hide Matching Documents

Browsing named entities in Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore). You can also browse the collection for November or search for November in all documents.

Your search returned 8 results in 5 document sections:

the seceded states, or a promise to recognize the government there set up; and if they have, it is not probable that the Address will leave them in doubt upon this subject. Whatever may be the differences of opinion throughout the country upon the various subjects of which the address treats, it will be very generally received as an honest and outspoken avowal of the policy of the new administration. It is certain that it furnishes no pretext for disunion that has not existed since the November election. The Baltimore Sun denounces the Address as sectional and mischievous, and adds that if it means what it says, it is the knell and the requiem of the Union, and the death of hope. The Baltimore Exchange says, the measures of Mr. Lincoln mean war. The Baltimore Patriot believes, with the American, that Mr. Lincoln means to avoid aggression, and adds: The reasoning and expositions of the Inaugural, in the virtues of patience, forbearance, &c., apply as well to Mr. Lin
ct of using its power for the total exclusion of the slave States from all participation in the benefits of the public domain acquired by all the States in common, whether by conquest or purchase, surrounded them entirely by States in which slavery should be prohibited, thus rendering the property in slaves so insecure as to be comparatively worthless, and thereby annihilating in effect property worth thousands of millions of dollars. This party, thus organized, succeeded in the month of November last in the election of its candidate for the Presidency of the United States. In the meantime, under the mild and genial climate of the Southern States, and the increasing care for the well-being and comfort of the laboring classes, dictated alike by interest and humanity, the African slaves had augmented in number from about six hundred thousand, at the date of the adoption of the constitutional compact, to upwards of four millions. In a moral and social condition they had been elev
our Constitution and Laws, was as generally admitted at the South as at the North. No longer ago than the 14th of last November, Mr. Stephens, of Georgia, now Vice-President of the Southern Confederacy, and a gentleman of first rate intelligence, ias the language of a very leading Southern statesman, the second officer.of the new Confederacy, no longer ago than last November; and, in truth, the South had and has greater cause than any other part of the Union, to be satisfied with the Governmenhe United States have been either Southern men or Northern men in whom the South has confided. For the first time, last November, a President was chosen who received no electoral votes from the South, but that President has given the most distinct adisappointed ambition of a few aspiring men, (for that Mr. Vice-President Stephens bravely told his fellow-citizens last November was the cause of a great part of our troubles, ) and this under cover of a sophistical interpretation of the Constitutio
Washington might ere this have been a smouldering heap of ruins. They have noted the course of public affairs to little advantage who suppose that the election of Mr. Lincoln was the real ground of the revolutionary outbreak that has occurred. The roots of the revolution may be traced back for more than a quarter of a century, and an unholy lust for power is the soil out of which it sprang. A prominent member of the band of agitators declared in one of his speeches at Charleston, last November or December, that they had been occupied for thirty years in the work of severing South Carolina from the Union. When General Jackson crushed nullification, he said it would revive again under the form of the slavery agitation: and we have lived to see his prediction verified. Indeed, that agitation, during the last fifteen or twenty years, has been almost the entire stock in trade of Southern politicians. The Southern people, known to be as generous in their impulses as they are chivalr
ader declared in Parliament that all the English government could do would be to subjugate and hold the principal cities, leaving the country occupied by rebels. The number of British troops under Sir John Colbourne was only 20,000, while the rebels are said to have had 14,000 at Montreal, 4,000 at Napiersville, and thousands more in arms in different parts of the Canadas, fierce with indignation at the murder of a party of patriots by Indians in the employ of the British government. In November ‘37 two battles were fought between the British and the rebels, the one at St. Dennis, and the other at St. Charles, which was taken from a force of 3,000 Canadians, of whom 200 were killed, and 30 wounded. In December, Mackenzie, the head rebel, who seems to have been the prototype of Davis, organized a provisional government and assuming the right to dispose of ten millions of acres of land fair and fertile, took possession of Montgomery House, near Toronto, with a band of insurgents,