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Polybius, Histories 3 3 Browse Search
A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 3 3 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 1 1 Browse Search
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Appian, Punic Wars (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER X (search)
Y.R. 580 commanding both to keep the peace. Not long afterward B.C. 174 Masinissa raised a dispute about the land known as the "big fields" and the country belonging to fifty towns, which is called Tysca. Again the Carthaginians had recourse to the Romans. Again the latter promised to send envoys to arbitrate the matter, but they delayed until it seemed probable that the Carthaginian interests would be utterly ruined. Y.R. 597 At length they sent the envoys, and among others B.C. 157 Cato. These went to the disputed territory and they asked that both parties should submit all their differences to them. Masinissa, who was grabbing more than his share and who had confidence in the Romans, consented. The Carthaginians hesitated, because their former experience had led them to fear that they should not receive justice. They said therefore that it was of no use to have a new dispute and a correction of the treaty made with Scipio, they only complained about transgressions of t
Polybius, Histories, book 32, Tyranny of Charops in Epirus (search)
Tyranny of Charops in Epirus There was a great change for the better in Aetolia Death of Charops, B. C. 157. when the civil war was stopped after the death of Lyciscus; and in Boeotia when Mnasippus of Coronea died; and similarly in Acarnania when Chremas was got out of the way. Greece was as though purified by the removal from life of those accursed pests of the country. For in the same year Charops of Epirus chanced to die at Brundisium. The tyranny of Charops in Epirus Affairs in Epirus had been still in disorder and confusion as before, owing to the cruelty and tyranny of Charops, ever since the end of the war with Perseus. after the battle of Pydna, B. C. 168-157. For Lucius Anicius having condemned some of the leading men in the country to death, and transported all others to Rome against whom there was the slightest suspicion, Charops at once got complete power to do what he chose; and thereupon committed every possible act of cruelty, sometimes personally, at others by the a
Polybius, Histories, book 32, War With the Dalmatians (search)
War With the Dalmatians When the envoys under Fannius returned from Illyria, Fannius and his colleagues roughly treated by the Dalmatians, B. C. 157. and reported that, so far from the Dalmatians making any restitution to those who asserted that they were being continually wronged by them, they refused even to listen to the commissioners at all, saying that they had nothing to do with the Romans. Besides, they reported that no lodging or entertainment of any sort had been supplied to them; butthey had expelled Demetrius of Pharos; and, in the next place, they did not wish their own citizens to become enervated by a long-continued peace; for it was now the twelfth year since the war with Perseus and the campaigns in Macedonia. B. C. 168-157. They therefore planned that, by declaring war against the Dalmatians, they would at once renew as it were the warlike spirit and enterprise of their own people, and terrify the Illyrians into obedience to their injunctions. Such were the motives
Ma'rius 1. C. Marius, *ma/rios, was born in B. C. 157, at the village of Cereatae * Plutarch (Plut. Mar. 3) calls the village Cirrhaeaton, but this is undoubtedly a corruption of Cereatae., near Arpinum. His father's name was C. Marius, and his mother's Fulcinia; and the family, according to the almost concurrent voice of antiquity, was in very humble circumstances. His parents, as well as Marius himself, are said to have been the clients of the nobleplebeian house of the Herennii. So indigent, indeed, is the family represented to have been from which the future saviour of Rome arose, that young Marius is stated to have worked as a common peasant for wages, before he entered the ranks of the Roman army (comp. Juv. 8.246; Plin. Nat. 33.11; Aurel. Vict. Cues. 33). But although Marius undoubtedly sprang from an obscure family, yet it seems probable that his immediate ancestors could not have been in such mean circumstances as is usually represented. From his first entrance into public l
p pretensions to the throne, was sent away into Ionia, where he does not appear to have improved his morals. When Ariarathes V. refused to marrv the sister of Demetrius Soter, the latter supported the claims of Olophernes to the crown of Cappadocia. Olophernes, however, entered into a conspiracy with the people of Antioch to dethrone Demetrius, who, having discovered the design, threw him into chains, but spared his life that he might still keep Arilrathes in alarm with his pretensions. In B. C. 157, when Ariarathes had been deposed, and had fled to Romle, Olophernes sent thither two unscrupulous ambassadors (Timothens and Diogenes) to join the emissaries of Demetrius in opposing his (so called) brother. According to Appian the Romans decided that the two claimants should share the throne between them. We are told, however, that Olophernes did not hold the kingdom long, and that his reign was signalized by a departure from the more simple customs of his ancestors, and by the introduct
A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith), (search)
Orestes, Aure'lus 1. L. AURELIUS L.F. L. N. ORESTES, consul B. C. 157, with Sex. Julius Caesar. (Fasti Capit.; Plin. Nat. 33.3. s. 17.)
something over 100 years later, attributes it to Ctesibus of Alexandria, who lived under Ptolemy Euergetes, 245 B. C., and who states that water was made to drop upon wheels which turned and actuated a small statue having a stick in his hand. The figure rotated on its pedestal and pointed to the figures on a numbered circle. They were, however, known before Ctesibus, but it is probable that he applied toothed wheels to them. They were introduced into Rome by P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica, 157 B. C. The orators in Rome, in the time of Pompey, were limited to a certain time: as Cicero says, latrare ad clepsydram. It is supposed that among the Romans they consisted of a vessel from which the water issued drop by drop, falling into another vessel in which a rising float indicated against a graduated index the lapse of time. It may be that they used the hour-glass, a modified form of the clepsydra, sand being substituted for water, and under a gag or five-minute rule, the running out o