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A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 24 24 Browse Search
Polybius, Histories 3 3 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 38-39 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.) 3 3 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 35-37 (ed. Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 2 2 Browse Search
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome 2 2 Browse Search
Pausanias, Description of Greece 1 1 Browse Search
Appian, The Foreign Wars (ed. Horace White) 1 1 Browse Search
M. Tullius Cicero, De Officiis: index (ed. Walter Miller) 1 1 Browse Search
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Pausanias, Description of Greece, Arcadia, chapter 51 (search)
gestion, it is said, directed against Timolaus. He was again appointed general of the Achaeans. At this time the Lacedaemonians were involved in civil war, and Philopoemen expelled from the Peloponnesus three hundred who were chiefly responsible for the civil war, sold some three thousand Helots, razed the walls of Sparta, and forbade the youths to train in the manner laid down by the laws of Lycurgus, ordering them to follow the training of the Achaean youths. The Romans, in course of time,188 B.C were to restore to the Lacedaemonians the discipline of their native land. When the Romans under Manius defeated at Thermopylae Antiochus the descendant of Seleucus, named Nicator, and the Syrian army with him, Aristaenus of Megalopolis advised the Achaeans to approve the wishes of the Romans in all respects, and to oppose them in nothing. Philopoemen looked angrily at Aristaenus, and said that he was hastening on the doom of Greece. Manius wished the Lacedaemonian exiles to return, but Phi
Appian, Syrian Wars (ed. Horace White), CHAPTER VII (search)
ogether in a great crowd in camp. He enclosed them with his light-armed troops and rode around ordering his men to shoot them at a distance, but not to come in contact with them. The crowd was so dense that no dart missed its mark. He killed 8000 of them and pursued the remainder beyond the river Halys. Ariarthes, king of Cappadocia, who had sent military aid to Antiochus, became alarmed and sent entreaties, and 200 talents Y.R. 566 in money besides, by which means he kept Manlius out of B.C. 188 his country. The latter returned to the Hellespont with vast treasures, uncounted money, and an army laden with spoils. Manlius had done well so far, but he managed very badly afterward. He scorned to go home by water in the summer time. He made no account of the burden he was carrying. He neglected to keep the army in good discipline while on the march, because it was not going to war, but returning home with its spoils. He marched by a long, narrow, and difficult road through Thrace i
Polybius, Histories, book 21, Settlement of Asia (search)
Settlement of Asia Meanwhile in Asia the Roman consul Cnaeus Manlius wintered at Ephesus, in the last year of this Cnaeus Manlius spends the winter of 189-188 B. C. at Ephesus the last year of the 147th Olympiad, and arranges the settlement of Asia. Olympiad, and was there visited by embassies from the Greek cities in Asia and many others, bringing complimentary crowns to him for his victories over the Gauls. For the entire inhabitants of Asia this side Taurus were not so much rejoiced at theed that he would come with his army to the frontier of Pamphylia, to receive the two thousand five hundred talents, and the corn with which the king had undertaken to furnish the Roman soldiers before his treaty with Lucius Scipio. Spring of B. C. 188. This business being thus settled, he solemnly purified his army; and, as the season for military operations was now beginning, he broke up his quarters, and, taking Attalus with him, arrived at Apameia in eight days' march, and remained there thr
Polybius, Histories, book 21, The Roman Commissioners Arrive at Ephesus (search)
ntil he should be instructed what to do by the sovereign who had entrusted it to him." And he therefore begged for thirty days' respite, to enable him to send and ask the king for instructions. Observing that Antiochus was behaving straightforwardly in other particulars, Cnaeus consented to allow him to send and ask the king the question. After some days the officer accordingly received an answer, and surrendered the city. About this time, just at the beginning of summer, the tenSummer, B. C. 188. The ten Roman commissioners arrive in Asia. See ch. 24. commissioners and king Eumenes arrived by sea at Ephesus; and, after giving themselves two days to recover from the voyage, proceeded up the country to Apameia. When their arrival was known to Cnaeus Manlius, he sent his brother Lucius with four thousand men to Oroanda (in Pisidia), as a forcible hint that they must pay the money owing, in accordance with the terms agreed on; while he himself marched his army at full speed to meet Eumen
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 35 (ed. Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 9 (search)
ked the completion of the censors' tasks. The lustrum was also the five-year period of the censors' term; it was customary for them to finish their business in a year and a half and thereafter to be inactive. The number of citizens rated was one hundred forty-three thousand seven hundred four.While the MSS. give the number thus, some editors follow Pighius in prefixing an additional C to the numeral. The census reported in XXIX. xxxvii. 6 showed a population of 214,000 in 204 B.C.; in 188 B.C. (XXXVIII. xxxvi. 10) it was 258,318. The fluctuation is so great that the emendation is probably correct. I have, however, kept the reading of the MSS. despite the fact that numerals are notoriously liable to corruption. There were great floods that year, and the Tiber overflowed the flat parts of the City; around the Porta Flumentana certain buildings even collapsed and fell. Also, the Porta Caelimontana was smitten by a thunderbolt and the wall in several places round about was stru
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 35 (ed. Evan T. Sage, PhD professor of latin and head of the department of classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 13 (search)
hould be provoked, he was no more likely to be a match for the Romans than Philip had been, and that either he would be utterly destroyed or, if peace were granted him after he had been defeated, much that was taken from Antiochus would fall to his own lot, soB.C. 193 that thenceforth he could easily defend himself against Antiochus without any Roman aid. Even if some misfortune should befall, it was better, he thought, to endure whatever fate with the Romans as allies than by himself either to submit to the sovereignty of Antiochus or, if he refused, to be compelled to do so by force of arms; for these reasons with all his prestige and all his diplomatic skill he urged the Romans to war.Frontiers were always vaguely defined in antiquity, as was inevitable when precise geographical information was scanty and maps practically unknown. The hopes of Eumenes for territorial gains after the defeat of Antiochus were realized in 188 B.C. (XXXVIII. xxxviii-xxxix).
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 38 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.), chapter 32 (search)
When the ambassadors reported this to the Achaeans, with the approval of all the cities which were represented at that council, war was declared upon the Lacedaemonians. WinterThis must be the winter of 189-188 B.C. The details of the chronology are obscure, but the siege of Same must have lasted well into the autumn. prevented the immediate prosecution of the war; nevertheless, their territories were devastated by small raids, more like brigandage than war, not only on land but also by ships from the sea. ThisB.C. 189 disturbance brought the consul to the Peloponnesus; and by his order a council was called at Elis and the Lacedaemonians summoned to take part in the debate. Not only a lively debate took place there but also a violent quarrel, to which the consul, although in other respects, favouring both sides in a spirit of conciliation, he had given ambiguous replies, put an end by the one peremptory demand that they should refrain from war until they had sen
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 38 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.), chapter 36 (search)
ces were decreed, and the praetors were allowed to enlist as reinforcements from the allies and to transport with them each three thousand infantry and two hundred cavalry. Before the newB.C. 188 magistrates departed for their provinces a three day period of prayer was proclaimed in the name of the college of decemvirs at all the street-corner shrines because in the day-time, between about the third and fourth hours, darkness had covered everything.This eclipse has been dated July 17, 188 B.C. (corrected calendar). Also a nine-day sacrifice was decreed because (so it was said) there had been a shower of stones on the Aventine. The Campanians,Cf. xxviii. 4 above. since, according to the decree which had been passed the year before, the censors compelled them to be assessed at Rome —for previously it had been uncertain where they should be assessed —requested that they should be permitted to take Roman citizens as wives, that any who had already married Roman citizens should b
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 38 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D.), chapter 43 (search)
There was a feud between Marcus Fulvius and the consul Marcus Aemilius, and, in addition to everything else, Aemilius considered that it was due to the efforts of Marcus Fulvius that he himself had reached the consulship two years late.Fulvius had presided at the election of his own colleague in the peculiar election for 189 B.C. (XXXVII. xlvii. 7) and at the election for 188 B.C. (xxxv. 1 above), and on both occasions Aemilius was defeated. He had then some reason for blaming Fulvius particularly for his failures. However, the interval between his praetorship (191 B.C.) and his consulship was not unusually long for this period. Therefore, with a view to making Fulvius unpopular, he introduced to the senate ambassadors of the Ambraciots, previously coached as to their charges, who were to complain that, while they were at peace and had performed the orders of the previous consuls and were ready to render the same obedience to Marcus Fulvius, war had been declared on t
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, STATUA MARSYAE (search)
xl. 3-4) represent the satyr standing on a square pedestal with right foot advanced, a wine skin thrown over his left shoulder with his left hand holding its opening, and his right hand raised. The statue is nude except for sandals and the Phrygian hat (pileus), and represents the Greek type of the fourth century B.C. How long before 8 B.C. this statue was erected in the forum, and why it was brought here, we do not know. According to a recent ingenious theory it was brought from Apamea in 188 B.C. by Cn. Manlius Vulso because of the legendary connection of that city with the tomb of Aeneas, and placed near the lacus Curtius because of a certain parallelism between the legendary self-sacrifice of an Apamean hero and Curtius (A. Reinach, Klio 1914, 321-337). The statue was often crowned with flowers, and a certain P. Munatius was once thrown into prison for stealing them (Plin. NH xxi. 8-9). Marsyas came to be regarded as the symbol of liberty (Serv. ad Aen. iii. 20) and under the emp
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