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A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 26 26 Browse Search
Polybius, Histories 4 4 Browse Search
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome 4 4 Browse Search
Pausanias, Description of Greece 2 2 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 31-34 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh) 2 2 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 23-25 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University) 1 1 Browse Search
Titus Livius (Livy), Ab Urbe Condita, books 26-27 (ed. Frank Gardner Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University) 1 1 Browse Search
J. B. Greenough, G. L. Kittredge, Select Orations of Cicero , Allen and Greenough's Edition. 1 1 Browse Search
M. Tullius Cicero, De Officiis: index (ed. Walter Miller) 1 1 Browse Search
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Pausanias, Description of Greece, Attica, chapter 13 (search)
themselves to meet it along with the Argives and Messenians who had come as their allies. Pyrrhus won the day, and came near to capturing Sparta without further fighting, but desisted for a while after ravaging the land and carrying off plunder.272 B.C. The citizens prepared for a siege, and Sparta even before this in the war with Demetrius had been fortified with deep trenches and strong stakes, and at the most vulnerable points with buildings as well. Just about this time, while the Laconian aturally was broken up. When the fighting was now taking place by sanctuaries and houses, and in the narrow lanes, between detached bodies in different parts of the town, Pyrrhus left by himself was wounded in the head. It is said that his death272 B.C. was caused by a blow from a tile thrown by a woman. The Argives however declare that it was not a woman who killed him but Demeter in the likeness of a woman. This is what the Argives themselves relate about his end, and Lyceas, the guide for t
Polybius, Histories, book 2, The Aetolians Envy the Achaeans (search)
Aetolians Envy the Achaeans But the increased power and national advancement The Aetolians and Antigonus Doson, B. C. 229-220. which these events brought to the Achaeans excited the envy of the Aetolians; who, besides their natural inclination to unjust and selfish aggrandisement, were inspired with the hope of breaking up the union of Achaean states, as they had before succeeded in partitioning those of Acarnania with Alexander,Alexander II. of Epirus, son of Pyrrhus, whom he succeeded B. C. 272. The partition of Acarnania took place in B. C. 266. and had planned to do those of Achaia with Antigonus Gonatas. Instigated once more by similar expectations, they had now the assurance to enter into communication and close alliance at once with Antigonus (at that time ruling Macedonia as guardian of the young King Philip), and with Cleomenes, King of Sparta. They saw that Antigonus had undisputed possession of the throne of Macedonia, while he was an open and avowed enemy of the Achaeans o
Polybius, Histories, book 2, The Credibility of Phylarchus (search)
The Credibility of Phylarchus For the history of the same period, with which we are Digression (to ch. 63) on the misstatements of Phylarchus. now engaged, there are two authorities, Aratus and Phylarchus,Phylarchus, said by some to be a native of Athens, by others of Naucratis, and by others again of Sicyon, wrote, among other things, a history in twenty-eight books from the expedition of Pyrrhus into the Peloponnese (B.C. 272) to the death of Cleomenes. He was a fervent admirer of Cleomenes, and therefore probably wrote in a partisan spirit; yet in the matter of the outrage upon Mantinea, Polybius himself is not free from the same charge. See Mueller's Histor. Graec. fr. lxxvii.-lxxxi. Plutarch, though admitting Phylarchus's tendency to exaggeration (Arat. 38), yet uses his authority both in his life of Aratus and of Cleomenes; and in the case of Aristomachus says that he was both racked and drowned (Arat. 44). whose opinions are opposed in many points and their statements contradi
Polybius, Histories, book 5, Philip Marches Through Laconia (search)
, and at a loss what to do to meet it, Philip encamped on the first day at Amyclae: a place in Laconia about twenty stades from Lacedaemon, exceedingly rich in forest and corn, and containing a temple of Apollo, which is about the most splendid of all the temples in Laconia, situated in that quarter of the city which slopes down towards the sea. Next day the king descended to a place called the Camp of Pyrrhus,A memorial, apparently, of the fruitless expedition of Pyrrhus into Laconia in B.C. 272. wasting the country as he went. Carnium. After devastating the neighbouring districts for the two following days, he encamped near Carnium; thence he started for Asine, and after some fruitless assaults upon it, he started again, and thenceforth devoted himself to plundering all the country bordering on the Cretan Sea as far as Taenarum. Gythium. Then, once more changing the direction of his march, he advanced to Gythium, the naval arsenal of Sparta, which possesses a safe harbour, and is a
Polybius, Histories, Shorter Fragments, A: Fragments whose reference is known (search)
nt of Scipio Aemilianus's single combat with the Spaniard. See 35, 5. XI (16) "Secure retreat in case disaster fall." One ought always to keep this line in mind. From failing to do so Lucius the RomanPerhaps L. Postumius, Livy, 23, 24 (Hultsch). met with a grave disaster. So narrow is the risk of destruction to the most powerful forces when the leaders are unwise. A sufficient illustration to thoughtful men is furnished by the headstrong invasion of Argos by Pyrrhus king of the Epirotes,B.C. 272. Plutarch, Pyrrh. 31-34. and the expedition through Thrace of king Lysimachus against Dorimichaites, king of Odrysae;See Pausan. i. 9, 6. His disaster compelled him to give up his dominions beyond the Danube. Another and more successful war in Thrace seems referred to in Diod. Sic. 18, 14. and indeed many other similar cases. XII (23) Marcellus never once conquered Hannibal, who in fact remained unbeaten until Scipio's victory.Livy, however, records more than one success of Marcellus agains
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 24 (ed. Frank Gardener Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University), chapter 10 (search)
xxiv. 1. with Publius Decius for the Gallic war, thus, later on,For 272 B.C. Papirius and Carvilius against the Samnites and Bruttians and the people of Lucania and of Tarentum. Marcellus was made consul in his absence, being with the army; for Fabius, who was present and himself conducted the election, his consulship was continued. The times and the straits of war and danger to the existence of the state deterred any one from searching for a precedent for that,I.e., immediate reëlection, which a plebiscite of 217 B.C. had made legal for the duration of the war in Italy; cf. XXVII. vi. 7 f. and from suspecting the consul of greed for power. On the contrary they praised his high-mindedness, in that, knowing the state had need of a great commander, and that he was himself undoubtedly that man, he counted his own unpopularity, should any be the consequence, as of less moment than the advantage of the state. X. On the day on which the consuls entered upon office th
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 26 (ed. Frank Gardner Moore, Professor Emeritus in Columbia University), chapter 39 (search)
e the wind dropped entirely and the enemy came in sight, with the result that time enough was left to take down the riggingCf. XXI. xlix. 11. and to get the oarsmen and soldiers ready for the battle that was imminent. seldom have regular fleets ever clashed with such spirit, since they were fighting for a greater issue than themselves. the Tarentines, having regained their city from the Romans after almost a hundred years,In reality only 62 years since its capture by the Romans, 272 B.C. fought to free the citadel as well, in the hope that they would cut off the enemy's supplies also, if by a naval battle they should deprive them of their command of the sea; the Romans, in order to show by keeping their hold upon the citadel that Tarentum had been lost, not by force and courage, but by treachery and a surprise. accordingly after the signal had been given on both sides, and they had encountered each otherB.C. 210 with their beaks and did not reverse their motion w
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 31 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 3 (search)
o deliver messages to independent states, to determine the form of government of a new province, etc., or military assistants to commanders in the field. Aurelius belonged to the former class, but had either assumed or been assigned military duties as well. met him and informed him what mighty armies, what a great number of ships the king had assembled, and in what fashion he was rousing men to armed revolt, not only in all the cities of the mainland but in the islands as well, partly by visiting them in person, partly through his agents; and the two agreed that the Romans must undertake the war with greater vigour, lest while they delayed Philip should venture to do what PyrrhusKing Pyrrhus of Epirus had been summoned to aid Tarentum during the war between that city and Rome (281- 272 B.C.) and had invaded Italy. before him had done, with a considerably less powerful empire, and that Aurelius should forward this information in writing to the consuls and senate.
Titus Livius (Livy), The History of Rome, Book 31 (ed. Evan T. Sage, Ph.D. Professor of Latin and Head of the Department of Classics in the University of Pittsburgh), chapter 7 (search)
pirusEpirus, in north-western Greece and adjacent to Macedonia, was the home of Pyrrhus. has alwaysB.C. 200 been and is to-day a mere appendage to the Macedonian empire. Philip has under his control the whole of the Peloponnesus and Argos itself, famed not so much in ancient story as for the death of Pyrrhus.The ancient city of Argos is less important, to Sulpicius, for the traditions that gathered around it than for the reason that Pyrrhus met his death in a street-fight there about 272 B.C. Now compare our situation: How much more prosperous was Italy, how much greater her resources; her leaders alive, so many armies intact, which the Punic war later destroyed. Yet when Pyrrhus attacked he shattered her at a blow and came a conqueror almost to the gates of Rome!For rhetorical effect Sulpicius magnifies somewhat the importance of Pyrrhus's early victories and neglects to mention the final Roman victory. Pyrrhus did defeat the Romans in several battles and did win the sup
J. B. Greenough, G. L. Kittredge, Select Orations of Cicero , Allen and Greenough's Edition., Chapter 1 (search)
art if anybody could have done it. fuisse, sc. commercium. referri, be entered, has for subject pretio . . . abalienasse. rebus istis, things of that sort. apud illos, i.e. the Greeks generally. The cities referred to in this section were all centres of Greek art or celebrated for the possession of some masterpiece. Reginos: Rhegium, Reggio, was a very ancient Greek city at the point of Italy nearest Sicily. It was a colony of Chalcis, probably founded in the eighth century B.C., and became a Roman municipium after the Social War, B.C. 91-90. merere velle, would take. illa, that famous. Tarentinos: Tarentum was the largest Greek city in Italy, a colony of Sparta, founded in the eighth century B.C., subjugated by Rome just after the invasion of Pyrrhus, B.C. 272. Cnidios . . . Coos: observe the chiasm. buculam: the celebrated bronze cow of Myron. longum est, it would be tedious: § 522, a (311, c) ; B. 304, 3 ; G. 254, R.1 ; H. 525, 2 (476,5); H.-B. 582, 3, b.
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