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A Dictionary of Greek and Roman biography and mythology (ed. William Smith) 34 34 Browse Search
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome 2 2 Browse Search
Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics (ed. H. Rackham) 1 1 Browse Search
Demosthenes, Exordia (ed. Norman W. DeWitt, Norman J. DeWitt) 1 1 Browse Search
Diodorus Siculus, Library 1 1 Browse Search
Plato, Letters 1 1 Browse Search
Strabo, Geography 1 1 Browse Search
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Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics (ed. H. Rackham), Book 3, chapter 8 (search)
rained athletes against amateurs; for even in athletic contests it is not the bravest men who are the best fighters, but those who are strongest and in the best training. But professional soldiers prove cowards when the danger imposes too great a strain, and when they are at a disadvantage in numbers and equipment; for they are the first to run away, while citizen troops stand their ground and die fighting, as happened in the battle at the temple of Hermes.In Coronea, 353 B.C.; the Acropolis had been seized by Onomarchus the Phocian, and mercenaries, brought in by the Boeotarchs to aid the citizens, ran away at the beginning of the battle (schol.). This is because citizens think it disgraceful to run away, and prefer death to safety so procured; whereas professional soldiers were relying from the outset on superior strength, and when they discover they are outnumbered they take to flight, fearing death more than disgrace. But t
Demosthenes, Exordia (ed. Norman W. DeWitt, Norman J. DeWitt), exordium 50, section 3 (search)
I refer to Iphicrates,Iphicrates died in 353 B.C. when Demosthenes was about thirty years of age. The orator's admiration is revealed in Dem. 21.62-63 and Dem. 23.129-131. who said, “A general must so choose to risk a battle, that not this or that may result but just this,” for such were his exact words. The meaning of this was obvious, for he meant “that he might come off victorious.” So, when you take the field, whoever is leader is master of you, but now each one of yourselves is a general. Thus it is your duty to show yourselves to have made such decisions as will inevitably be good for the State and that you shall not, for the sake of mere hopes of future goods, bring about something not so good as the prosperity you at present en
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVI, Chapter 92 (search)
ebrated in Aegae in Macedonia. Not only did individual notables crown him with golden crowns but most of the important cities as well, and among them Athens. As this award was being announced by the herald, he ended with the declaration that if anyone plotted against King Philip and fled to Athens for refuge, he would be delivered up.Such protective decrees were common (cp. Dem. 23.95, the most famous being the decree of Aristocrates proposed in honour of Cersobleptes in 353 B.C. The casual phrase seemed like an omen sent by Providence to let Philip know that a plot was coming. There were other like words also spoken, seemingly divinely inspired, which forecast the king's death.At the state banquet, Philip ordered the actor Neoptolemus, matchless in the power of his voice and in his popularity, to present some well-received pieces, particularly such as bore on the Persian campaign. The artist thought that his piece would be taken as appro
Plato, Letters, Letter 7 (search)
eally hold the same views and aims as he, I consent to support them, but if not, I will ponder the matter many times over. And what was his policy and his aim I will tell you, and that, as I may say, not from mere conjecture but from certain knowledge. For when I originally arrived at Syracuse, being about forty years old, Dion was of the age which Hipparinus has now reached,Dion was about twenty in 388-387 B.C., the date of Plato's first visit to Syracuse; so if this letter was written in 353 B.C. the birth of Hipparinus (probably Dion's son, not his nephew) should be put at about 373 B.C. cf. Plat. L. 8. Prefatory Note and Plat. L. 8.355e. and the views which he had then come to hold he continued to hold unchanged; for he believed that the Syracusans ought to be free and dwell under the best laws. Consequently, it is no matter of surprise if some Deity has made Hipparinus also come to share his views about government and be of the same mind. Now the manner in which these view
Strabo, Geography, Book 7, chapter 3 (search)
that you are my master, I say ‘howl on’” (Herodotus, 4.127). See also what ChrysippusChrysippus of Soli (fl. about 230 B.C.), the Stoic philosopher, was a prolific writer, but with the exception of a few fragments his works are lost. The present reference is obviously to his treatise on Modes of Life, which is quoted by Plut. De Stoicorum Repugnantiis 20.3 = 1043 B). says concerning the kings of the Bosporus, the house of Leuco.Leuco, who succeeded his father Satyrus I, reigned from 393 to 353 B.C. (see 7. 4. 4). And not only the Persian lettersi.e., the letters of Persian kings, such as those quoted by Herodotus. are full of references to that straightforwardness of which I am speaking but also the memoirs written by the Egyptians, Babylonians, and Indians. And it was on this account that Anacharsis,Anacharsis was a Scythian prince and philosopher, one of the “Seven Sages,” a traveller, long a resident of Athens (about 590 B.C.), a friend of Solon, and (according to Ephorus)
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, APOLLO, AEDES (search)
us Octaviae, on the street that led through the porta Carmentalis to the campus Martius, a little south of the present Piazza Campitelli. 353 B.C.) muris turribusque reficiendis consumptum et aedes Apollinis dedicata est) may refer to an earlier restoration, as the direct evidence of Asconius precludes the possibility of any second temple. This temple was also known as that of Apollo Medicus, and in 179 B.C. the censors let the contract for building a porticus from it to the Tiber, behind the temple of Spes (Liv. xl. 51. 6: locavit ... porticum aliam post navalia et ad fanum Herculis et post Spei [a] Tiberi [ad] aedem Apollinis Medici
Samuel Ball Platner, Thomas Ashby, A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, MURUS SERII TULLII (search)
agree with it. As the result of the Gallic invasion, the whole enceinte was enormously reinforced and strengthened, the original line, however, being for the most part, if not entirely, retained. To the construction of this wall the following passages have generally been referred: Liv. vi. 32. I: ut tribute novum fenus contraheretur in murum a censoribus locatum saxo quadrato faciundum (377 B.C.). vii. 20. 9: Legionibus Romam reductis relicum anni muris turribusque reficiendis consumptum (353 B.C.). It is natural that so great a work as this should have taken a considerable number of years to build. To this reconstruction belongs all the masonry of larger blocks. Frank remarks that, though the majority of the blocks measure 58-61 cm. high, there is a good deal of irregularity even on the outer face, where he has noted measures as low as 51 cm. and as high as 64, while on the inside, where the agger conceals the blocks, the measurements vary from 40 to 68 cm. The material, however, i
A'rete (*)Areth/), daughter of the elder Dionysius and Aristomache. She was first married to Thearides, and upon his death to her uncle Dion, the brother of her mother Aristomache. After Dion had fled from Syracuse during the reign of the younger Dionysius, Arete was compelled by her brother to marry Timocrates, one of his friends; but she was again received by Dion as his wife, when he had obtained possession of Syracuse and expelled the younger Dionysius. After Dion's assassination, B. C. 353, Arete was imprisoned together with her mother, and brought forth a son while in confinement. Arete and Aristomache were subsequently liberated and kindly received by Hicetas, one of Dion's friends, but he was afterwards persuaded by the enemies of Dion to drown them. (Plut. Dio 6, 21, 51, 57, 58; Aelian, Ael. VH 12.47, who erroneously makes Arete the mother, and Aristomache the wife of Dion
Arvi'na 1. A. Cornelius Cossus Arvina, P. F. A. N., whom Livy sometimes calls A. Cornelius Cossus, and sometimes A. Cornelius Arvina, was magister equitum B. C. 353, and a second time in 349. (Liv. 7.19, 26.) He was consul ill B. C. 343, the first year of the Samnite war, and was the first Roman general who invaded Samnium. While marching through the mountain passes of Samniam, his army was surprised in a valley by the enemy, and was only saved by the heroism of P. Decius, who seized with a body of troops a height which commanded the road. The consul then conquered the Samnites, and triumphed on his return to Rome. (7.28, 32, 34-38, 10.31; Niebuhr, Rom. Hist. iii. p. 120, &c.) Arvina was consul again in B. C. 322 (A. Cornelius iterum, Liv. 8.17), and dictator in 320, in the latter of which years he defeated the Samnites in a hardfought battle, though some of the ancient authorities attributed this victory to the consuls of the year. (Liv. 8.38, 39; Niebuhr, iii. p. 200, &c.)
g the pupils of Plato. When Dion afterwards returned to Syracuse, Callippus accompanied him, and was ever after treated by him with distinction and confidence. Notwithstanding this, Callippus formed at last a conspiracy against the life of Dion. The plot was discovered by Dion's sister; but Callippus pacified them by swearing, that he had no evil intentions towards Dion. But in spite of this oath, he assassinated Dion during a festival of Persephone, the very divinity by whom he had sworn, B. C. 353. Callippus now usurped the government of Syracuse, but maintained himself only for thirteen months. The first attempt of Dion's friends to cause an insurrection of the people against the usurper was unsuccessful; but, a short time after, Hipparenus, a brother of the younger Dionysius, landed with a fleet at Syracuse, and Callippus, who was defeated in the ensuing battle, took to flight. He now wandered about in Sicily from town to town, at the head of a band of licentious mercenaries, but
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