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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Address of Congress to the people of the Confederate States: joint resolution in relation to the war. (search)
t. Just, in his report to the Convention of France, in 1793, said: A people has but one dangerous enemy, and that is Government. We adopted no such absurdity. In nearly every instance the first steps were taken legally, in accordance with the will and prescribed direction of the constituted authorities of the seceding States. We were not remitted to brute force or natural law, or the instincts of reason. The charters of freedom were scrupulously preserved. As in the English revolution of 1688, and ours of 1776, there was no material alteration in the laws, beyond what was necessary to redress the abuses that provoked the struggle. No attempt was made to build on speculative principles. The effort was confined within the narrowest limits of historical and constitutional right. The controversy turned on the records and muniments of the past. We merely resisted innovation and tyranny, and contended for our birthrights and the covenanted principles of our race. We have had our gov
Britain is. That government is a constitutional monarchy, having coordinate branches. In Great Britain, no policy of the government, no cabinet advisers, can stand against the expressed opinion of the House of Commons. Are the people less potent in the confederate States through their representatives in Congress, than the people of Great Britain in Parliament? We do not believe it. Parliament has no power, like that of Congress, to pass a law in spite of the King's veto; yet no King, since 1688, has dared to veto a bill passed by Parliament. No King has dared to defy public opinion in the appointment of the national counsellors and the commanders of the armies, setting up personal favoritism and partisanship above efficiency. . . . . The legislative power which Congress possesses, as to measures and men, can control the government and force efficiency into the administration whether in the appointment of cabinet officers, commanders of armies and bureau officers, or in the manag
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia., Chapter 1: Introduction.—Dr. Wayland's arguments on the justifiableness of war briefly examined (search)
fathers were not the less mindful of their duty to their God, because they also faithfully served their country. If we are called upon to excel them in works of charity, of benevolence, and of Christian virtue, let it not be said of us that we have forgotten the virtue of patriotism. For further discussion of this subject the reader is referred to Lieber's Political Ethics, Part II., book VII. chap. 3; Paley's Moral and Political Philosophy; Legare's Report of June 13, 1838, in the House of Representatives; Mackintosh's History of the Revolution of 1688, chap. x.; Bynkershock; Vatel; Puffendorf; Clausewitz; and most other writers on international law and the laws of war. Dr. Wayland's view of the question is advocated with much zeal by Dymond in his Inquiry into the Accordancy of War with the Principles of Christianity; Jay's Peace and War; Judd's Sermon on Peace and War; Peabody's Address, &c.; Coue's Tract on What is the Use of the Navy? Sumner's True Grandeur of Nations.
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia., Chapter 2: Strategy.—General divisions of the Art.—Rules for planning a Campaign.—Analysis of the military operations of Napoleon (search)
ntervention, in which one state interferes in favor of another. This intervention may either have respect to the internal or to the external affairs of a nation The interference of Russia in the affairs of Poland, of England in the government of India, Austria and the allied powers in the affairs of France during the Revolution and under the empire, are examples under the first head. The intervention of the Elector Maurice of Saxony against Charles V., of King William against Louis XIV., in 1688, of Russia and France in the seven years war, of Russia again between France and Austria, in 1805, and between France and Prussia, in 1806, are examples under the second head Most liberal publicists consider intervention in the internal affairs of nations as indefensible; but the principle is supported by the advocates of the old monarchies of Europe. Wars of insurrection to gain or to regain liberty; as was the case with the Americans in 1776, and the modern Greeks in 1821. Wars of ind
H. Wager Halleck , A. M. , Lieut. of Engineers, U. S. Army ., Elements of Military Art and Science; or, Course of Instruction in Strategy, Fortification, Tactis of Battles &c., Embracing the Duties of Staff, Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery and Engineers. Adapted to the Use of Volunteers and Militia., Chapter 12: army organization—Engineers.—Their history, duties, and organization,—with a brief discussion, showing their importance as a part of a modern army organization. (search)
reat development, and have ever since occupied a prominent position as parts of an army organization. We therefore find in all the great sieges and battles of this era a large and continually increasing number of engineers and engineer troops, this orce being gradually augmented as the true principles of war became better understood, and as the wants of the service required. Even in the earliest of these battles we find the engineers taking a prominent and distinguished part. In the war of 1688, twenty-four engineers were killed and wounded at the siege of Philipsbourg, eighteen at Namur, eight at Huy, ten at Charleroi, eight at Ath, thirty at Barcelona, &c. Such losses were good proofs of the usefulness of these officers, and before this war was closed, their number was increased to six hundred; and in 1706 the army contained eight brigades of engineers and four companies of miners. The engineer corps being partially disbanded in the early part of the French Revolution, great di
Matthew Arnold, Civilization in the United States: First and Last Impressions of America., III: a word more about America. (search)
Lord Granville at last wringing his adroit hands and ejaculating disconsolately: It is a misunderstanding altogether! Even yet more to be pitied, perhaps, was the hard case of Lord Kimberly after the Majuba Hill disaster. Who can ever forget him, poor man, studying the faces of the representatives of the dissenting interest and exclaiming: A sudden thought strikes me! May we not be incurring the sin of blood-guiltiness? To this has come the tradition of Lord Somers, the Whig oligarchy of 1688, and all Lord Macaulay's Pantheon. I said that a source of strength to America, in political and social concerns, was the homogeneous character of American society. An American statesman speaks with more effect the mind of his fellow-citizens from his being in sympathy with it, understanding and sharing it. Certainly, one must admit that if, in our country of classes, the Philistine middle class is really the inspirer of our foreign policy, that policy would at least be expounded more for
of serious resistance, it were absurd to claim for any colony or section a moral superiority in this regard over any other. The single and most honorable exception to the general facility with which this giant wrong was adopted and acquiesced in, is presented by the history of Georgia. That colony may owe something of her preeminence to her comparatively recent foundation; but she is far more indebted to the character and efforts of her illustrious founder. James Ogle-Thorpe was born in 1688, or 1689, at Godalming, Surry County, England; entered the British army in 1710; and, having resigned on the restoration of peace, was, in 1714, commended by the great Marlborough to his former associate in command, the famous Prince Eugene of Savoy, by whom he was appointed one of his aids. He fought under Eugene in his brilliant and successful campaign against the Turks in 1716 and 1717, closing with the siege and capture of Belgrade, which ended the war. Declining to remain in the Austria
t. Just, in his report to the Convention of France, 1793, said: A people has but one dangerous enemy, and that is government. We adopted no such absurdity. In nearly every instance, the first steps were taken legally, in accordance with the will and prescribed direction of the constituted authorities of the seceding States. We were not remitted to brute force or natural law, or the instincts of reason. The charters of freedom were scrupulously preserved. As in the English Revolution of 1688, and ours of 1776, there was no material alteration in the laws beyond what was necessary to redress the abuses that provoked the struggle. No attempt was made to build on speculative principles. The effort was confined within the narrowest limits of historical and constitutional right. The controversy turned on the records and muniments of the past. We merely resisted innovation and tyranny, and contended for our birth-rights and the covenanted principles of our race. We have had our Go
ded. He levied taxes without any permission from the people or government, and punished cruelly those who refused to pay. The inhabitants of every town were forbidden to meet and exercise their corporate powers, except once a year: and they were told by the Judges, in open Court, that they had no more privileges left them, than not to be sold for slaves. The Anglo-Saxon blood of our Puritan Fathers could not brook this; and they dared to more than think of relief. The great revolution of 1688, in the mother country, ending in the abdication of James, and the accession of William and Mary, afforded an encouraging example on this side the water. That example was promptly followed; and on the morning of the 18th of April, 1689, the people rose in righteous revolt, seized their oppressor, secured him in prison, and destroyed his government. This was decisive New Englandism. He was soon sent back to London to be tried. Of this odious ruler, one of the Medford people said, If Andros
ow thee; thy elders, and they will tell thee. --Deut. XXXII. 7.  1Albree, John, b. in the Island of New Providence in 1688; came to Boston in 1700, there he m., in 1711, Elizabeth Green, of Boston, a cousin of Gov. Belcher. She d. Dec. 6, 1751;e put to the sword; and two little children were that day made orphans. One was a boy, named John Albree, who was born in 1688; and the other was his sister, Elizabeth, who was three years younger. The brother lied with his sister to seek protectio4, 1853.  1Willis, George, was freeman, May 2, 1638, then living at Cambridge with wife Jane. In a petition to Andros, 1688, he states his age to be 86, and that he had lived in Cambridge near sixty years. He d. 1690, aged c. 90. His children we Benjamin, b. Oct. 30, 1686; m.Ruth Bradshaw, Feb. 10, 1714, who d. Feb. 19, 1752. He d. Feb. 3, 1767.  14Hannah, b. 1688; m. Peter Seccomb.  15Mary, b. July 15, 1690; m. Benj. Parker, Apr. 22, 1714.  16Stephen.  17Rebecca, m. Thomas Seccomb<
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