hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 191 191 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 184 184 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 42 42 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 35 35 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 18 18 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 13 13 Browse Search
Benjamin Cutter, William R. Cutter, History of the town of Arlington, Massachusetts, ormerly the second precinct in Cambridge, or District of Menotomy, afterward the town of West Cambridge. 1635-1879 with a genealogical register of the inhabitants of the precinct. 11 11 Browse Search
HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks) 7 7 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Walcott Boynton, Reader's History of American Literature 7 7 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 6 6 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Your search returned 623 results in 329 document sections:

1 2 3 4 5 6 ...
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Columbus Ohio, September, 1859. (search)
py too much time on this head, and I pass on. Near the close of the copy-right essay, the Judge, I think, comes very near kicking his own fat into the fire. I did not think, when I commenced these remarks, that I would read from that article, but I now believe I will : This exposition of the history of these measures, shows conclusively that the authors of the Compromise Measures of 1850 and of the Kansas-Nebraska act of 1854, as well as the members of the Continental Congress of 1774, and the founders of our system of Government subsequent to the Revolution, regarded the people of the Territories and Colonies as political communities which were entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their provisional legislatures, where their representation could alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity. When the Judge. saw that putting in the word slavery would contradict his own history, he put in what he knew would pass as synonymous with
n on one side, and sloped on the other steeply to the river. When a quarter of the journey had been traversed the sled slipped over, and we were precipitated down a bank twenty feet beneath the road, and our trunks followed their owners at a breakneck pace. Colonel Roberts, in his fall, struck a tree and broke a rib, and I sustained severe contusions about the head. After a day's travel we stopped for the night at Cresap's House, It was near this house that Logan's family were killed in 1774, and Cresap was supposed to have been instrumental in the murder; therefore Logan and his bend massacred a large number of settlers in the vicinity. on the Ohio River, a historic place, and in the course of the evening the hostess — a handsome, bright-eyed woman, in a large white muslin turban-being stirred by some vague memory, asked my servant to tell her my maiden name; and then related how my father and mother, and Mr. Joseph E. Davis, had spent the night there, when going through the wil
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 12: the inauguration of President Lincoln, and the Ideas and policy of the Government. (search)
a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it-break it, so to speak; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association, in 1774. It was matured and continued by the Declaration of Independence, in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation, in 1778. And finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was, to form a more perfect Union. But if the destruction of the Union, by one or by a part only of the States, be lawfully possible, the Union is
as lives), debasing part of our fellow-creatures below men, and corrupting the virtue and morals of the rest, and as laying the basis of that liberty we contend for (and which we pray the Almighty to continue to the latest posterity) upon a very wrong foundation. We therefore resolve at all times to use our utmost efforts for the manumission of our slaves in this colony upon the most safe and equitable footing for the masters and themselves. selves. --American Archives, 4th Series, vol i., 1774 and 1775. The principles of civil and political liberty, so patiently evolved and so thoroughly commended during the long controversy which preceded the appeal to arms, were reduced to axioms, and became portions of the popular faith. When Jefferson, in drafting our immortal Declaration of Independence, embodied in its preamble a formal and emphatic assertion of the inalienable Rights of Man, he set forth propositions novel and startling to European ears, but which eloquence and patriotic fe
IX. the rise and progress of Abolition. Early efforts for Emancipation Slave-holders condemn Slavery Virginia Benjamin Lundy Wm. Lloyd Garrison. the General Congress which convened at Philadelphia in 1774, framed articles of Association between the colonies, one of which was a solemn agreement that we will neither import nor purchase any slave imported after the 1st of December next; being moved thereto by State action of like character, wherein Virginia and North Carolina wehout the war for independence, the Rights of Man were proclaimed as the great objects of our struggle. General Gates, the hero of Saratoga, emancipated his slaves in 1780. The first recorded Abolition Society--that of Pennsylvania--was formed in 1774. The New York Manumission Society was founded in 1785: John Jay was its first President; Alexander Hamilton its second. Rhode Island followed in 1786; Maryland in 1789; Connecticut in 1790; Virginia in 1791; New Jersey in 1792. The discovery tha
hat Quakers, like other Christians, were then not only slaveholders, but engaged in the Slave-Trade. In 1754, the American Quakers had advanced to the point of publicly recommending their societies to advise and deal with such as engage in the Slave-Trade. Again: slaveholding Quakers were urged — not to emancipate their slaves — but to care for their morals, and treat them humanely. The British Quakers came up to this mark in 1758--four years later; and more decidedly in 1761 and 1763. In 1774, the Philadelphia meeting directed that all persons engaged in any form of slave-trading be disowned; and in 1776 took the decisive and final step by directing that the owners of slaves, who refused to execute the proper instruments for giving them their freedom, be disowned likewise. This blow hit the nail on the head. In 1781, but one case requiring discipline under this head was reported; and in 1783, it duly appeared that there were no slaves owned by its members. Clarkson's History.
of a contract merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties who made it? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak; but does it not require all to lawfully rescind it? Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that in legal contemplation the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the Union itself. The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued in the Declaration of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of Confederation, in 1778; and, finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect union. But, if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be lawfully possible, the Union is les
gress of delegates from nine Colonies was held in New York, in 1765; all indicating the tendency of the American mind to intrench the separate and scattered communities within a citadel of union: yet the Congress which convened in Philadelphia, in 1774, composed of delegates appointed by the popular or representative branch of the Colonial legislatures, or by conventions of the people of the Colonies, and styling themselves in their more formal acts the delegates appointed by the good people ofna, great-hearted Christopher Gadsden answered back--There ought to be no New England man, no New Yorker, known on the continent, but all of us Americans. And in the very hour of the Union's birth-throes Patrick Henry flashed upon the Congress of 1774, these lightning words: all America is thrown into one mass. Where are your landmarks — your boundaries of Colonies? They are all thrown down. The distinctions between Virginians, Pennsylvanians, New Yorkers, and New Englanders are no more. I a
Rebellion Record: Introduction., Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore), Introduction. (search)
ompare them. But nothing in progression can rest on its original plan; we may as well think of rocking a grown man in the cradle of an infant. Therefore, as the Colonies prospered and increased to A numerous and mighty People, spreading over a very great tract of the globe, it was natural that they should attribute to assemblies so respectable in the formed Constitution, some part of the dignity of the great nations which they represented. The meeting of the first Continental Congress of 1774 was the spontaneous impulse of the People. All their resolves and addresses proceed on the assumption that they represented a People. Their first appeal to the Royal authority was their letter to General Gage, remonstrating against the fortifications of Boston. We entreat your Excellency to consider, they say, what a tendency this conduct must have to irritate and force a free People, hitherto well disposed to peaceable measures, into hostilities. Their final act, at the close of the Sess
ale, the men. At the grave, the coffin was opened, to allow the last look. On the return to the house, a repast was served; and there were eating and drinking on the largest scale. In a town near Medford, the funeral of a clergyman took place in 1774; and the record of charges runs thus: For twelve gold rings, £ 8; Lisbon wine, Malaga wine, West India rum, £ 5. 16s. 8d.; lemons, sugar, pipes, and tobacco, £ 3. 8s. 6d.; gloves, £ 40. 1s. 6d.; death's-head and cross-bones, 15s. The funeral of Captain Sprague (1703) cost £ 147. 16s. The Grand American Continental Congress, assembled at Philadelphia, 1774, agreed with regard to funerals thus: On the death of any relation or friend, none of us, or any of our families, will go into any further mourning-dress than a black crape or ribbon on the arm or hat, for gentlemen; and black ribbon and necklace, for ladies; and we will discountenance the giving of gloves and scarfs at funerals. This resolve suddenly changed the New-England custo
1 2 3 4 5 6 ...