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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 147 147 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 47 47 Browse Search
Benjamin Cutter, William R. Cutter, History of the town of Arlington, Massachusetts, ormerly the second precinct in Cambridge, or District of Menotomy, afterward the town of West Cambridge. 1635-1879 with a genealogical register of the inhabitants of the precinct. 16 16 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 15 15 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 10 10 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 8 8 Browse Search
HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks) 6 6 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 2 6 6 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: March 13, 1862., [Electronic resource] 5 5 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 5 5 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874.. You can also browse the collection for 1791 AD or search for 1791 AD in all documents.

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C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Fourth: orations and political speeches. (search)
st the throes of those bloody struggles, the Equality of men was always proclaimed. In this sweeping wave went away Nobles, and Kings, and all distinctions of birth—they could not withstand so mighty and triumphant a truth. The Constitution of 1791 declares in its first article as follows: Men are born and continue free and equal in their rights. In its sixth article it says: The law is the expression of the general will. It ought to be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. A nor any other superiority than that of public functionaries in discharge of their functions. * * * There is no longer, for any part of the nation, nor for any individual, any privilege or exception to the law, common to all Frenchmen. (Moniteur, 1791, No. 259.) The Declaration of Rights of Condorcet—Feb. 15, 1793—contained fresh inculcations of the Equality of men, Article 8th saying: The Law ought to be equal for all,—Instruction is the need of all, and society owes it equally to all i
st the throes of those bloody struggles, the Equality of men was always proclaimed. In this sweeping wave went away Nobles, and Kings, and all distinctions of birth—they could not withstand so mighty and triumphant a truth. The Constitution of 1791 declares in its first article as follows: Men are born and continue free and equal in their rights. In its sixth article it says: The law is the expression of the general will. It ought to be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. A nor any other superiority than that of public functionaries in discharge of their functions. * * * There is no longer, for any part of the nation, nor for any individual, any privilege or exception to the law, common to all Frenchmen. (Moniteur, 1791, No. 259.) The Declaration of Rights of Condorcet—Feb. 15, 1793—contained fresh inculcations of the Equality of men, Article 8th saying: The Law ought to be equal for all,—Instruction is the need of all, and society owes it equally to all i
e American States to emancipate all their African slaves, and declaring that Slavery is in every instance wrong, unrighteous and oppressive—a very great and crying sin—there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth. And, in 1791, shortly after the adoption of the Constitution, the second Jonathan Edwards, a twice-honored name, in an elaborate discourse often published, called upon his country, in the present blaze of light on the injustice of slavery, to prepare the way ftered into the war to oppose the British power. We were not only without money, without an army or military stores, but we were few in number, and likely to be entangled with our domestics, in case the enemy invaded us.—Annals of Congress, 1789, 1791, vol. II. p. 1484. Similar testimony to the weakness engendered by Slavery was also borne by Mr. Madison, in open debate in Congress: Every addition they (Georgia and South Carolina) receive to their number of slaves, tends to weaken th<
the hatred of Slavery belonging to the great non-conformist, Richard Baxter, were sternly united against this wrong. As early as 1776, Samuel Hopkins, their eminent leader and divine, published his tract, showing it to be the Duty and Interest of the American States to emancipate all their African slaves, and declaring that Slavery is in every instance wrong, unrighteous and oppressive—a very great and crying sin—there being nothing of the kind equal to it on the face of the earth. And, in 1791, shortly after the adoption of the Constitution, the second Jonathan Edwards, a twice-honored name, in an elaborate discourse often published, called upon his country, in the present blaze of light on the injustice of slavery, to prepare the way for its total abolition. This he gladly. thought at hand. If we judge of the future by the past, said the celebrated preacher, within fifty years from this time, it will be as shameful for a man to hold a negro slave, as to be guilty of common robb
onfession was made, some time after the war, in open debate, on the floor of Congress, by Mr. Burke, a Representative from South Carolina:— There is not a gentleman on the floor who is a stranger to the feeble situation of our State, when we entered into the war to oppose the British power. We were not only without money, without an army or military stores, but we were few in number, and likely to be entangled with our domestics, in case the enemy invaded us.—Annals of Congress, 1789, 1791, vol. II. p. 1484. Similar testimony to the weakness engendered by Slavery was also borne by Mr. Madison, in open debate in Congress: Every addition they (Georgia and South Carolina) receive to their number of slaves, tends to weaken them, and render them less capable of self-defence.—Annals of Congress, vol. i. p. 340. The historian of South Carolina, Dr. Ramsay, a contemporary observer of the very scenes which he describes, also exposes this weakness:— The forces unde