pring of 1830.
Thus it may be seen that at the time that Garrison returned to Boston and established his Liberator (1830-31) he was twenty-five years old, a consummate controversialist, and the apostle of a new theory — Immediate Emancipation, for to correspond with Northern statesmen and officials with the aim of suppressing Garrison.
The Legislature of Georgia, in 1831, offered a reward of $5000 for the arrest and conviction of Garrison under the laws of Georgia.
The Southern press went ias permitted to Adams-because no one could stop him; but men vaguely imagined that Garrison's fire could be put out.
In 1831, Garrison was indicted in North Carolina.
The South was not wrong in thinking that the official classes at the North woul an outcrop of the same subterranean fire that coursed through Garrison,--and when Nat Turner's Slave Rebellion broke out (1831) and a dozen white families were murdered in Virginia, the whole South was thrown into a panic, and attributed the insurre
ct of transporting free negroes to Africa.
It had been pushed with diligence and paraded as the cure for the evils of slavery, and its benevolence was assumed on all hands.
Everybody of consequence belonged to it. Garrison, himself, joined it in good faith.
This Colonization Society had, by an invisible process, half conscious, half unconscious, been transformed into a serviceable organ and member of the Slave Power.
In order to investigate the real functions of this society, Garrison, in 1831, obtained from its headquarters at Washington, the files of its documents and of its newspaper, the African Repository.
The result of his labors, says Oliver Johnson, was seen in a bulky pamphlet, that came from the press in the spring, entitled Thoughts on African Colonization; or, an Impartial Exhibition of the Doctrines, Principles and Purposes of the American Colonization Society; together with the Resolutions, Addresses and Remonstrances of the Free People of Color.
As a compilation
o greater things.
The Boston mob gives a barometrical record of conditions in the North in 1835.
Every village had its Garrison, its Mayor Lyman, its Francis Jackson.
Moved by the spectacle of Garrison's persecution, Charles Sumner, Henry I. Bowditch, and Wendell Phillips became converts to the cause.
Every village in the North after October 21, produced its Bowditch, its Sumner, its Phillips.
There were now six State and three hundred auxiliary Anti-slavery societies, all formed since 1831. So then, comments Garrison, we derive from our opponents these instructive but paradoxical facts---that without numbers, we are multitudinous; that without power, we are sapping the foundations of the Confederacy; that without a plan, we are hastening the abolition of slavery; and without reason or talent we are rapidly converting the nation.
For the second time within three months it became wise for Garrison to leave Boston.
His landlord, quite naturally, feared for the safety of his ho
g but hypnotism could keep her in subjection to the Slave Power.
And the days of hypnotism were plainly at an end; the days of shock and question were come.
Whatever the South did, turned out to be shocking, and to be mistaken.
Whatever the South did, returned to plague the inventor.
The Missouri Compromise of 1820 was a Southern victory and jarred upon the Northern conscience a little.
Nine years thereafter arises Abolition.
The offer of a reward for Garrison by the State of Georgia in 1831 weakened the South; the elaborate attempts to suppress the Abolitionists in 1835 weakened the South; the Annexation of Texas weakened her. The Fugitive Slave Law in 1850, the Repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, the invasion of Kansas by the Border Ruffians, the Dred Scott Decision — each one of these things, though apparently a victory, proved in the end to be a boomerang, which operated to weaken the South and to awaken the North.
On the other hand the Nort