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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 324 324 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 152 152 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 82 82 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 68 68 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 53 53 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 50 50 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 44 44 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 41 41 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 38 38 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 33 33 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for 1850 AD or search for 1850 AD in all documents.

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ary, and two hundred and seventy-one Religious periodicals, mainly issued weekly, sufficiently attest that our progress had not been purely physical, but intellectual and moral as well. The temptation to increase these citations from the Census is one hard to resist. Yet any multiplication of details would tend rather to confuse than to deepen their impression on the mind of the general reader. Let it suffice, then, in conclusion, that the Real and Personal Estate of our people, which in 1850 was returned as of the aggregate value of a little over Seven Thousand Millions of dollars, was, in 1860, returned as worth over Sixteen Thousand Millions--an increase in ten years of more than one hundred and twenty-five per cent. It is quite probable that both these aggregates are largely under the truth; but, conceding their accuracy, it is perfectly safe to assume that Fifteen of the Sixteen Thousand Millions of property returned in 1860 had been created and thrift of our people during th
ress proceeded, soon after, to pass an act, apparently without much consideration or forecast, whereby the then existing laws of Maryland and Virginia were to continue in full force and effect over those portions of the Federal District ceded by them respectively, until Congress should otherwise enact; and, as those States were undoubtedly Slave States, their slave laws continued operative herein, with little or no modification or improvement, down to the passage of the Compromise measures of 1850. Very naturally, the creation out of nothing of such a city as Washington, with its adoption as the capital of the Republic, combined with its favorable location, served to render it an extensive mart for the prosecution of the domestic Slave-Trade. Some of the largest purchasers in Maryland and Virginia for the cotton and sugar region located themselves at this point, fitted up their slavepens, and advertised in the leading journals of the Capital their readiness to buy and sell young an
Xv. The Compromise of 1850. Gov. Seward James Brooks Gen. Taylor Henry Clay Jefferson Davis Webster's 7th of March speech the Texas job. Gen. Zachary Taylor was inaugurated as President on the 4th of March, 1849. He had received, as we have seen, both an electoral majority and a popular plurality, alike in the Free and in the Slave States, mainly by reason of his persistent and obstinate silence and reserve on the vexed question of Slavery in the Territories. He had written letters — not always wise nor judicious — during the canvass, mainly in its early stages; but they were not calculated, decisively, to alienate either the champions or the opponents of Slavery Restriction. It is among the traditions of the canvass that he, some time in 1848, received a letter from a planter running thus: Sir: I have worked hard and been frugal all my life, and the results of my industry have mainly taken the form of slaves, of whom I own about a hundred. Before I vote for
etic or practical objections may be justly made to the Compromise of 1850, there can be no doubt that it was accepted and ratified by a great he sum and substance, the being's end and aim, of the Compromises of 1850. And, as the Federal Administration, whereof Mr. Fillmore remained The activity and universality of slave-hunting, under the act of 1850, were most remarkable. That act became a law on the 18th of Septembmade manifest that a new article — acquiescence in the Compromise of 1850--was to be interpolated into the creed of one or both of these partived to insist on making the wisdom and finality of the Compromise of 1850 a plank in the Whig platform to be constructed by the Convention. Ts of acts of the XXXIst Congress known as the Compromise Measures of 1850--the act known as the Fugitive Slave law included — are received andnst Slavery agitation, and in favor of maintaining the Compromise of 1850. On the day before that of the choice of Presidential Electors by
phatic in his commendation of the Compromise of 1850, and in insisting that the rights of the South sectional strife, and the fearful struggle, of 1850. As Congress deemed it wise and prudent to ref it is apparent that the Compromise measures of 1850 affirm, and rest upon, the following propositioth the principles of the Compromise measures of 1850, and allow the people to do as they pleased uposince the inception of Mr. Clay's Compromise in 1850. Not one of them lived to hear that that ComprConstitution or superseded by the Compromise of 1850. No champion, no adversary, of this latter arr he did not now contend that the legislation of 1850 had even removed the obstacle to such establishriction of 1820 superseded by the Compromise of 1850, and been beaten by 30 Nays to 13 Yeas, Mr. Douerritories, as recognized by the legislation of 1850 (commonly called the Compromise measures), is h. That this was the basis of the Compromises of 1850, confirmed by both the Democratic and Whig part[6 more...]
Slavery, as their constitution may prescribe at the time of their admission. This was also adopted, as follows: Yeas 33--same as on the first resolve, less Brown, Mallory, and Pugh; Nays 12--Bingham, Chandler, Dixon, Foot, Foster, Hale, Pugh, Simmons, Ten Eyck, Trumbull, Wade, and Wilson. 0 7. Resolved, That the provision of the Constitution for the rendition of fugitives from service or labor, without the adoption of which the Union could not have been formed, and the laws of 1793 and 1850, which were enacted to secure its execution, and the main features of which, being similar, bear the impress of nearly seventy years of sanction by the highest judicial authority, should be honestly and faithfully observed and maintained by all who enjoy the benefit of our compact of union, and that all acts of individuals or of State Legislatures to defeat the purpose or nullify the requirements of that provision, and the laws made in pursuance of it, are hostile in character, subversive of
rn States shall, in his judgment, give satisfactory assurance or evidence of her determination to withdraw from the Union. In support of this proposition, Mr. Lesesne spoke ably and earnestly, but without effect. Cooperation had been tried in 1850-1, and had signally failed to achieve the darling purpose of a dissolution of the Union; so the rulers of Carolina opinion would have none of it in 1860. Still another effort was made in the House (November 7th), by Mr. Trenholm, of Charleston , and you are the man to act. I inclose some resolutions, which, or some similar to them, I should be happy to see adopted. H. Clay. To Gen. Leslie Combs. Mr. Stephens was, in his earlier years, an admirer and follower of Mr. Clay; but, since 1850, he had gone a roving after strange gods. He now said: Should Georgia determine to go out of the Union, I speak for one, though my views may not agree with them, whatever the result may be, I shall bow to the will of her people. Their cause
ks of Pennsylvania shall be carefully searched at the approaching session of the Legislature, and that every statute, if any such there be, which, in the slightest degree, invades the constitutional rights of citizens of a sister State, will be at once repealed; and that Pennsylvania, ever loyal to the Union, and liberal in construing her obligations to it, will be faithful always in her obedience to its requirements. Resolved, 5. That we recognize the obligations of the act of Congress of 1850, commonly known as the Fugitive Slave Law, and submit cheerfully to its faithful enforcement; and that we point with pride and satisfaction to the recent conviction and punishment, in this city of Philadelphia, of those who had broken its provisions by aiding in the attempted rescue of a slave, as proof that Philadelphia is faithful in her obedience to the law; and furthermore, that we recommend to the Legislature of our own State the passage of a law which shall give compensation, in case of
irst. No amendment shall be made to the Constitution which will authorize or give to Congress any power to abolish or interfere, in any State, with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons held to service or labor by the laws of such State. This was adopted by the following vote: Yeas--Messrs. Powell, Hunter, Crittenden, Seward, Douglas, Collamer, Wade, Bigler, Rice, Doolittle, and Grimes-11. Nays--Messrs. Davis and Toombs-2. Second, The Fugitive Slave law of 1850 shall be so amended as to secure to the alleged fugitive a trial by jury. This, having been amended, on motion of Mr. Douglas, so as to have the alleged fugitive sent for trial to the State from which he was charged with escaping, was voted down-all the Republicans and Mr. Crittenden sustaining it; all the rest opposing it. Mr. Seward December 26th. further proposed, and the Republicans sustained, the following : Resolved, That, under the fourth section of the fourth article of th
is, found in an out-house on a plantation between Jackson and Vicksburg. Several of these letters were given to the public by their captors, many of them bearing the signatures of Northern men of note, who have never denied their authenticity. These letters throw a clear light on the state of Southern opinion which induced the Secession movement of 1860-61, and are therefore essential contributions to the history of that period. As such, a portion of them will here be given. So early as 1850, James Buchanan (not yet President) wrote to Mr. Davis, complaining that the South was disposed to be too easily satisfied, with regard to her rights in the territories. In this private and confidential letter, dated Wheatland, March 16th, he says: So far from having in any degree recoiled from the Missouri Compromise, I have prepared a letter to sustain it, written with all the little ability of which I am master. You may ask, why has it not been published? The answer is very easy.
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