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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 262 262 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 188 188 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 79 79 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 65 65 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 51 51 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 35 35 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 28 28 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies 21 21 Browse Search
HISTORY OF THE TOWN OF MEDFORD, Middlesex County, Massachusetts, FROM ITS FIRST SETTLEMENT, IN 1630, TO THE PRESENT TIME, 1855. (ed. Charles Brooks) 18 18 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 17 17 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery.. You can also browse the collection for 1854 AD or search for 1854 AD in all documents.

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Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Hon. Abraham Lincoln, at Springfield June 17, 1858. (search)
who doubts, carefully contemplate that now almost complete legal combination-piece of machinery, so to speak-compounded of the Nebraska doctrine, and the Dred Scott decision. Let him consider not only what work the machinery is adapted to do, and how well adapted ; but also, let him study the history of its construction, and trace, if he can, or rather fail, if he can, to trace the evidences of design, and concert of action, among its chief architects, from the beginning. The new year of 1854 found slavery excluded from more than half the States by State Constitutions, and from most of the national territory by Congressional prohibition. Four days later, commenced the struggle which ended in repealing that Congressional prohibition. This opened all the national territory to slavery, and was the first point gained. But, so far, Congress only had acted ; and an indorsement by the people, real or apparent, was indispensable, to save the point already gained, and give chance for
ple that thereafter the people of the Territories should be left perfectly free to form and regulate their domestic institutions in their own way, and that no limitation should be placed upon that right in any form. Hence what was my duty, in 1854 when it became necessary to bring forward a bill for the organization of the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska? Was it not my duty, in obedience to the Illinois platform to your standing instructions to your Senators, adopted with almost entire bear witness, when it was assailed by Freesoilers; and during this winter I vindicated and defended it as boldly and fearlessly when it was attempted to be violated by the almost united South. I pledged myself to you on every stump in Illinois in 1854, I pledged myself to the people of other States, North and South--wherever I spoke-and in the United States Senate and elsewhere, in every form in which I could reach the public mind or the public ear, I gave the pledge that, I, so far as the powe
ttle on that decision, which says that there is no such thing as Squatter Sovereignty ; but that any one man may take slaves into a Territory, and all the other men in the Territory may be opposed to it, and yet by reason of the Constitution they cannot prohibit it. When that is so, how much is left of this vast matter of Squatter Sovereignty I should like to know? When we get back, we get to the point of the right of the people to make a Constitution. Kansas was settled, for example, in 1854. It was a Territory yet, without having formed a Constitution, in a, very regular way, for three years. All this time negro slavery could be taken in by any few individuals, and by that decision of the Supreme Court, which the Judge approves, all the rest of the people cannot keep it out; but when they come to make a Constitution they may say they will not have slavery. But it is there ; they arc obliged to tolerate it some way, and all experience shows it will be so — for they will not tak
the Constitution under which they arc to live. When I introduced the Nebraska bill in the Senate of the United States in 1854, I incorporated in it the provision that it was the true intent and meaning of the bill, not to legislate slavery into anyicans on that occasion for another reason. I could not forget, you will not soon forget, how unanimous that party was, in 1854, in declaring that never should another slave State be admitted into this Union under any circumstances whatever, and yet that they will not stand by it in the future. If they do; I will freely forgive them all the abuse they heaped upon me in 1854, for having advocated and carried out that same principle in the Kansas-Nebraska bill. Illinois stands proudly forward. You have had experience upon that subject in the case of Kansas. You have been told by the Republican party that, from 1854, when the Kansas-Nebraska bill passed, down to last winter, that slavery was sustained and supported in Kansas by the laws
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Speech of Senator Douglas, delivered July 17, 1858, at Springfield, III (Mr. Lincoln was not present.) (search)
standing, living, perpetual instruction to the Senators from Illinois in all time to come to carry out that principle of self-government and allow no limitation upon it in the organization of any Territories or the admission of any new States. In 1854, when it became my duty as the chairman of the committee on Territories to bring forward a bill for the organization of Kansas and Nebraska, I incorporated that principle in it and Congress passed it, thus carrying the principle into practical effect. I will not recur to the scenes which took place all over the country in 1854 when that Nebraska bill passed. I could then travel from Boston to Chicago by the light of my own effigies, in consequence of having stood up for it. I leave it to you to say how I met that storm, and whether I quailed under it; whether I did not face the music, justify the principle, and pledge my life to carry it out. A friend here reminds me, too, that when making speeches then, justifying the Nebraska bil
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., First joint debate, at Ottawa, August 21, 1858. (search)
gard to the questions dividing us. Prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great politicDemocratic action. Thus you see that up to 1853-54, the Whig party and the Democratic party both stederal Constitution. Thus, you see, that up to 1854, when the Kansas and Nebraska bill was brought those four were old line Abolitionists. In 1854, Mr. Abraham Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull entered iudge Trumbull and myself made an arrangement in 1854, by which I was to have the place of Gen. Shiels being the platform of the Republican party in 1854, I say I never had anything to do with them, an view of the position I took in that contest of 1854. Voice---Put on your specs. Mr. Lincolnhis extract from Mr. Lincoln's Peoria speech of 1854, was read by him in the Ottawa, debate, but wasout the organization of the Republican party in 1854, and the platform that was formed on the fifth doctrine is here in this Republican platform of 1854 ; it, has never been repealed; and every Black [4 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Second joint debate, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. (search)
now whether Lincoln to-day stands, as he did in 1854; in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fu whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more slave Statesto all this, that there was not, in the fall of 1854, any Convention holding a session in Springfielka bill on that principle all over the State in 1854, in 1855, and in 1856 and he has no excuse for by the Black Republican party at Springfield in 1854, which, it turns out, was adopted at another pltricts throughout the north end of the State in 1854. This platform was adopted in nearly every coure the Black Republican party had a majority in 1854. I wish now to call your attention to the acti which Clay and Webster were identified. Up to 1854 the old Whig party and the Democratic party haddecide the slavery question for themselves. In 1854, after the death of Clay and Webster, Mr. Linco States' Senator in 1855, after the election of 1854. They were pledged to certain things here at h[1 more...]
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Third joint debate, at Jonesboro, September 15, 1858. (search)
vious notice, and have made arrangements with Mr. Lincoln to divide time, and discuss with him the leading political topics that now agitate the country. Prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great political parties known as Whig and Democratic. These parties differed from each other on certain questions which were thee Union as it has existed under the Constitution. How has this departure from the faith of the Democracy and the faith of the Whig party been accomplished? In 1854, certain restless? ambitious, and disappointed politicians throughout the land took advantage of the temporary excitement created by the Nebraska bill to try and scordant materials combined together to secure a majority in the Legislature for the purpose of putting down the Democratic party. This combination did succeed in 1854 so far as to elect a majority of their confederates to the Legislature, and the first important act which they performed was to elect a Senator in the place of the
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fourth joint debate, at Charleston, September 18, 1858. (search)
chanan was in the conspiracy at Washington in the winter of 1854, when the Nebraska bill was introduced. The history of thi much of the people's attention. You know that prior to 1854 this country was divided into two great political parties, the platform of the old Whigs? You cannot deny that since 1854 there has been a great revolution on this one question. Ho Senate in my place. You all remember that during the year 1854, these two worthy gentlemen, Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Trumbull, ffice in the State. They canvassed the State against us in 1854, as they are doing now, owning different names and differensectional Abolition party. They carried the Legislature in 1854, and when it assembled in Springfield they proceeded to elekely to come to an end? He introduced the Nebraska bill in 1854 to put another end to the slavery agitation. He promised trgain to sell out the entire Whig and Democratic parties in 1854-Judge Douglas brings forward no evidence to sustain his cha
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery., Fifth joint debate, at Galesburgh, October 7, 1858. (search)
Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton Constitution. In my opinion, the attempt, to force Kansas in under that Constitution, was a gross violation of the principle enunciated in the Compromise measures of 1850, and Kansas and Nebraska bill of 1854, and therefore I led off in the fight against the Lecompton Constitution, and conducted it until the effort to carry that Constitution through Congress was abandoned. And I can appeal to all men, friends and foes, Democrats and Republicans, Northbecause our system differs from theirs. In the Compromise Measures of 1850, Mr. Clay declared that this great principle ought to exist in the Territories — as well as in the States, and I reasserted his doctrine in the Kansas and Nebraska bill in 1854. But Mr. Lincoln cannot be made to understand, and those who are determined to vote for him, no matter whether he is a pro-slavery man in the south and a negro equality advocate in the north, cannot be made to understand how it is that in a Te
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