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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 4 5 5 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 5 5 Browse Search
James Parton, Horace Greeley, T. W. Higginson, J. S. C. Abbott, E. M. Hoppin, William Winter, Theodore Tilton, Fanny Fern, Grace Greenwood, Mrs. E. C. Stanton, Women of the age; being natives of the lives and deeds of the most prominent women of the present gentlemen 4 4 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 4 4 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 4 4 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 4 4 Browse Search
Ulysses S. Grant, Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant 4 4 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 21. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 4 4 Browse Search
The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 2. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier) 4 4 Browse Search
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 11.1, Texas (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 4 4 Browse Search
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n Democratic senators followed the colloquy, which showed that the Freeport doctrine had opened up an irreparable schism between the Northern and Southern wings of the Democratic party. In all the speeches made by Douglas during his Southern tour, he continually referred to Mr. Lincoln as the champion of abolitionism, and to his doctrines as the platform of the abolition or Republican party. The practical effect of this course was to extend and prolong the Illinois senatorial campaign of 1858, to expand it to national breadth, and gradually to merge it in the coming presidential campaign. The effect of this was not only to keep before the public the position of Lincoln as the Republican champion of Illinois, but also gradually to lift him into general recognition as a national leader. Throughout the year 1859 politicians and newspapers came to look upon Lincoln as the one antagonist who could at all times be relied on to answer and refute the Douglas arguments. His propositions
and those of Buchanan could be brought to join in a common platform and in the support of a single candidate. The Democratic leaders in the Southern States had become more and more outspoken in their pro-slavery demands. They had advanced step by step from the repeal of the Missouri Compromise in 1854, the attempt to capture Kansas by Missouri invasions in 1855 and 1856, the support of the Dred Scott decision and the Lecompton fraud in 1857, the repudiation of Douglas's Freeport heresy in 1858, to the demand for a congressional slave code for the Territories and the recognition of the doctrine of property in slaves. These last two points they had distinctly formulated in the first session of the Thirty-sixth Congress. On January 18, 1860, Senator Brown of Mississippi introduced into the Senate two resolutions, one asserting the nationality of slavery, the other that, when necessary, Congress should pass laws for its protection in the Territories. On February 2 Jefferson Davis in
n to be appointed commissioner of the General Land Office; defeated for the Senate in the Illinois legislature of 1854, when he had forty-five votes to begin with, by Trumbull, who had only five votes to begin with; defeated in the legislature of 1858, by an antiquated apportionment, when his joint debates with Douglas had won him a popular plurality of nearly four thousand in a Democratic State; defeated in the nomination for Vice-President on the Fremont ticket in 1856, when a favorable nod ferved a tedious apprenticeship. It was the quarter of a century of reading, thinking, speech-making and legislating which qualified him for selection as the chosen champion of the Illinois Republicans in the great Lincoln-Douglas joint debates of 1858. It was the great intellectual victory won in these debates, plus the title Honest old Abe, won by truth and manhood among his neighbors during a whole generation, that led the people of the United States to confide to his hands the duties and po
apparent. Still the restraint was unpleasant to both sides, and induced a rather ceremonious intercourse. I remember a general start at a dinner party, when Mrs. F., a very well-bred, refined, excellent woman said, An abolitionist friend of ours. Those of us-at least half of the company — who were from the South felt the neutrality of the feast had not been preserved, and Mr. Davis whispered to his Southern vis-a-vis, Suppose we were to speak of our barn-burner friends. In the winter of 1858 Mr. Davis, in the midst of the heat and excitement of the session, caught a very severe cold which gave him laryngitis; and, before this subsided, the left eye became intensely inflamed. He lay speechless and blind, only able to communicate his thoughts by feeling for the slate and writing them, more or less intelligibly, for four weeks. About this time there was a congress of medical men in Washington, and fortunately our dear friend and family physician, Dr. Thomas Miller, brought the gre
fire a shot, as her crew were unable to man even a single gun. She had one killed and two wounded. A skirmish took place near Cumberland Gap, between a foraging party of National troops and a body of rebels, in which the latter were routed with considerable loss.--Louisville Journal. Governor Curtin, of Pennsylvania, issued a proclamation earnestly recommending the immediate formation, throughout the State, of volunteer companies and regiments, in conformity with the Militia Act of 1858. Arms would be distributed to such organizations agreeably to the provisions of the act. It was further recommended that, in order to give due opportunities for drill and instruction, all places of business should be closed daily at three o'clock. Frederick City, Md., was evacuated by the National troops, after they had burned the hospital and commissary stores, and removed the sick and wounded. Major-General George B. Mcclellan, pursuant to general orders from the War Department,
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 3., chapter 5.69 (search)
d have made good regimental or brigade commanders; most of the brigade commanders were equal to the command of a division, and one, Ransom, would have been equal to the command of a corps at least. Logan and Crocker ended the campaign fitted to command independent armies. General F. P. Blair joined me at Milliken's Bend, a full-fledged general, without having served in a lower grade. He commanded a division in the campaign. I had known Blair in Missouri, where I had voted against him in 1858 when he ran for Congress. I knew him as a frank, positive, and generous man, true to his friends even to a fault, but always a leader. I dreaded his coming. I knew from experience that it was more difficult to command two generals desiring to be leaders, than it was to command one army, officered intelligently, and with subordination. It affords me the greatest pleasure to record now my agreeable disappointment in respect to his character. There was no man braver than he, nor was there a
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 8: attitude of the Border Slave-labor States, and of the Free-labor States. (search)
t of the Mississippi River,. was another Border State of great importance. Its population in 1860 was one million one hundred and eighty-two thousand three hundred and seventeen, of whom one hundred and fifteen thousand were slaves. Its inhabitants had been agitated more or less by the troubles in Kansas, a State stretching along almost the whole of its western border, where the friends and enemies of the, Slave system of labor had quarreled and fought for several years previous to the year 1858. In that school of experience, the Missourians had been pretty well instructed concerning the questions at issue in the now impending conflict; and when they were called upon to act, they did so intelligently. They knew the value of the Union; and the great body of the people reprobated the teachings of the disloyal politicians, and determined to stand by the Union so, long as it seemed to them a blessing. The 4th of January, 1861, was an unfortunate day for Missouri. On that day Claibo
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 9: proceedings in Congress.--departure of conspirators. (search)
s the world by its extent and power, is not the work of a day; it is the labor of a generation.... This wicked plot for the dismemberment of the Confederacy, which has now assumed such fearful proportions, was known to some of our elder statesmen. Thomas H. Benton ever raised his warning voice against the conspirators. I can never forget the terrible energy of his denunciations of the policy and acts of the nullifiers and secessionists. During the great Lecompton struggle, in the winter of 1858, his house was the place of resort of several members of Congress, who sought his counsels, and delighted to listen to his opinions. In the last conversation I had with him, but a few days before he was prostrated by mortal disease, he declared that the disunionists had prostituted the Democratic party --that they had complete control of the Administration; that these conspirators would have broken up the Union, if Colonel Fremont had been elected; that the reason he opposed Fremont's elect
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 11: the Montgomery Convention.--treason of General Twiggs.--Lincoln and Buchanan at the Capital. (search)
om Arkansas, on the False Wachita River. It protects the northern frontiers of the State from the forays of the wild Comanches. At the time we are considering, it was garrisoned by detachments from the First Cavalry and one company of the First Infantry Regiment. Another was Fort Fort Wachita. Wachita, sixty miles southeasterly from Fort Arbuckle, and, like it, on the Indian Reserve. It was garrisoned by two companies of the First Cavalry Regiment. Near this post, in the autumn of 1858, Major Earle Van Dorn, a gallant officer of the National Army, who appears for the first time, in Fort Lancaster. connection with Twiggs's treason, as an enemy of his country, had a successful battle with a band of warlike Comanches. Another important post was Fort Lancaster, on the mail-route between San Antonio to San Diego, in the midst of the remarkable table-lands near the junction of Live Oak Creek and the Pecos River. It is a place of much importance, for it protects the great for
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 2., Chapter 7: military operations in Missouri, New Mexico, and Eastern Kentucky--capture of Fort Henry. (search)
al McClellan, December 18, 1861. General Hindman, in his report on the 19th, said General Terry and three of his regiment were killed, three others slightly wounded, and only six missing. As they left a much larger number dead on the field, Hindman's report must have been incorrect. In this work they were aided by a battery on the north side of the river. Seeing re-enforcements crossing, the Confederates withdrew toward Bowling Green, slowly followed by the Nationals. Thomas C. Hindman in 1858. In the mean time, stirring scenes were in progress in the extreme eastern part of Kentucky, and movements there caused a brief diversion of a part of Buell's army from the business of pushing on in the direction of Tennessee. Humphry Marshall was again in the field, at the head of about twenty-five hundred insurgents, and at the beginning of January was intrenched in the neighborhood of Paintsville, in Johnston County, on the main branch of the Big Sandy River, that forms the boundary b
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