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Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 2 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 2 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 1 1 Browse Search
James Buchanan, Buchanan's administration on the eve of the rebellion 1 1 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Harvard Memorial Biographies 1 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 1 1 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 1 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 1 1 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 1 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 1 1 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for June, 1858 AD or search for June, 1858 AD in all documents.

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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
fighting, and they never have. In 1787, when the Constitution was formed, James Madison and Rufus King, followed by the ablest men in the Convention, announced that the dissension between the States was not between great States and little, but between Free States and Slave. Even then the conflict had begun. In 1833, Mr. Adams said, on the floor of Congress: Whether Slave and Free States can cohere into one Union is a matter of theoretical speculation. We are trying the experiment. In June, 1858, Mr. Lincoln used the language: This country is half slave and half free. It must become either wholly slave or wholly free. In October of the same year, Mr. Seward, in his great irrepressible conflict speech at Rochester, said: The most pregnant remark of Napoleon is, that Europe is half Cossack and half republican. The systems are not only inconsistent, they are incompatible ; they never did exist under one government They never can. Our fathers, he goes on to say, recognized this tr