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The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure), General Stuart in camp and field. (search)
of Patrick county, Virginia, and came of a family of high social position and some distinction. Having graduated at West Point, he served for some years as a lieutenant in the United States army, and when it was obvious that Virginia would secede, he resigned his commission and came to his native State, where he was put in command of the First Regiment of Cavalry,operating on the Upper Potomac. He had been prominent, at this time, in only one scene attracting public attention. This was in 1859, at Harper's Ferry, where he was directed by General, then Colonel, R. E. Lee to summon John Brown to surrender. He recognized Brown, then passing as Captain Smith, as soon as the engine-house door was half opened, as an old acquaintance in Kansas, and advised him to surrender, which Brown declined doing, adding, You know, lieutenant, we are not afraid of bullets, when Stuart stepped aside, and the attack and capture of the old marauder followed. In a sketch so limited as the present, it
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson, Chapter 4: life in Lexington. (search)
ch spiritual communion. Mrs. Jackson being absent upon a distant visit, he wrote, April 131h, 1859.:-- Is there not comfort in prayer, which is not elsewhere to be found? Home, April 20th, 1859.-- Our potatoes are coming up. .... We have had very unusually dry weather for nearly a fortnight, and your garden had been thirsting for rain till last evening, when the weather commenced cha, your horse, your husband, or, more generally, your hombre, and even your salary. May 1lth, 1859.-I wrote you this morning that you must not be discouraged. All things work together for good to Try to live near to Jesus, and secure that peace which flows like a river. Home, May 12th, 1859.-I have had only one letter this week, but hope springs immortal in the human breast. So you seich is just opening, would be in a better state of preservation when you get it. October 5th, 1859.-I am glad and thankful that you received the draft and letters in time. How kind is God to His
Robert Lewis Dabney, Life and Commands of Lieutenand- General Thomas J. Jackson, Chapter 5: secession. (search)
States at the North had begun, under the pretext of squattersovereignty. To the few friends to whom Jackson spoke of his own opinions, he then declared that the South ought to take its stand upon the outer verge of its just rights, and there resist aggression, if necessary, by the sword; that, while it should do nothing beyond the limits of strict righteousness to provoke bloodshed, yet any surrender of principle whatever, to such adversaries as ours, would be mischievous. In the Fall of 1859, the first angry drops of the deluge of blood which was approaching, fell upon the soil of Virginia. The event known as the John Brown Raid occurred at Harper's Ferry, in which that Border assassin endeavored to excite a servile insurrection and civil war, from that point. He and all his accomplices, save one, were either slain, or expiated their crime upon the scaffold. As his rescue was loudly threatened, a military force was mustered at Charleston, the seat of justice for Jefferson coun
town of Petersburg we were overtaken by an old man who rode beside us for awhile, and entertained us with reminiscences of days on the frontier. Lincoln was reminded of several Indiana stories, and by the time we had reached the unpretentious court-house at our destination, his sadness had passed away. In only two instances did Mr. Lincoln over his own hand leave any record of his history or family descent. One of these was the modest bit of autobiography furnished to Jesse W. Fell, in 1859, in which after stating that his parents were born in Virginia of undistinguished or second families, he makes the brief mention of his mother, saying that she came of a family of the name of Hanks. The other record was the register of marriages, births, and deaths which he made in his father's Bible. The latter now lies before me. That portion of the page which probably contained the record of the marriage of his parents, Thomas Lincoln and Nancy Hanks, has been lost; but fortunately the
rge size and bodily strength. Abe was a mere spindle of a boy, had his due proportion of harmless mischief, but as we, lived in a country abounding in hazel switches, in the virtue of which the master had great faith, Abe of course received his due allowance. This part of the boy's history is painfully vague and dim, and even after arriving at man's estate Mr. Lincoln was significantly reserved when reference was made to it. It is barely mentioned in the autobiography furnished to Fell in 1859. John Duncan, Letter, February 21, 1867 afterwards a preacher of some prominence in Kentucky, relates how he and Abe on one occasion ran a ground-hog into a crevice between two rocks, and after working vainly almost two hours to get him out, Abe ran off about a quarter of a mile to a blacksmith shop, and returned with an iron hook fastened to the end of a pole, and with this rude contrivance they virtually hooked the animal out of his retreat. Austin Gollaher of Hodgensville, claims to
m of the bill. As to wines, liquors, and cigars, we had none, absolutely none. These last may have been in Room 15 by order of committee, but I do not recollect them at all. --W. M. Dickson, Harper's Magazine, June, 1884. During the fall of 1859 invitations to take part in the canvass came from over half-a-dozen States where elections were to be held, Douglas, fresh from the Senate, had gone to Ohio, and thither in September Lincoln, in response to the demands of party friends everywhere, followed. He delivered telling and impressive speeches at Cincinnati and Columbus, Douglas had written a long and carefully prepared article on Popular Sovereignty in the territories, which appeared for the first time in the September (1859) number of Harper's Magazine. It went back some distance into the history of the government, recounting the proceedings of the earliest Congresses, and sought to mark out more clearly than had heretofore been done the dividing line between Federal and
inced me they were deliberate and had been matured. Judge T. L. Dickey says, that at Bloomington, at the first Republican Convention in 1856, he uttered the same sentences in a speech delivered there, and that after the meeting was over, he (Dickey) called his attention to these remarks. Lincoln justified himself in making then by stating they were true; but finally, at Dickey's urgent request, he promised that for his sake, or upon his advice, he would not repeat them. In the summer of 1859, when he was dining with a party of his intimate friends at Bloomington, the subject of his Springfield speech was discussed. We all insisted it was a great mistake, but he justified himself, and finally said, Well, gentlemen, you may think that speech was a mistake, but I never have believed it was, and you will see the day when you will consider it was the wisest thing I ever said. He never believed in political combinations, and consequently, whether an individual man or class of men
the position of Lincoln as the Republican champion of Illinois, but also gradually to lift him into general recognition as a national leader. Throughout the year 1859 politicians and newspapers came to look upon Lincoln as the one antagonist who could at all times be relied on to answer and refute the Douglas arguments. His prothis delusive party strategy, and was constant and earnest in his warnings against adopting it. In a little speech after the Chicago municipal election on March I, 1859, he said: If we, the Republicans of this State, had made Judge Douglas our candidate for the Senate of the United States last year, and had elected him, thene why Congress should not hinder the people of Georgia from importing slaves from Africa. An important election occurred in the State of Ohio in the autumn of 1859, and during the canvass Douglas made two speeches in which, as usual, his pointed attacks were directed against Lincoln by name. Quite naturally, the Ohio Republ
Robert Stiles, Four years under Marse Robert, Chapter 2: Introductory Sketches. (search)
where his ancestors had lived and died for generations, but who moved to the North and, from my boyhood, had lived in New York City and in New Haven, Conn. I was prepared for college in the schools of these two cities and was graduated at Yale in 1859. It so happened that I had never visited the South since the original removal of the family, which occurred when I was some twelve years of age; so that practically all my education, associations and friendships were Northern. True, I took position as a Southerner in all our college discussions and debates, but never as a fire-eater or secessionist. Indeed, I was a strong Union man and voted for Bell and Everett in 1860. After my graduation in 1859 I passed the late summer and autumn in the Adirondack woods fishing and hunting with several classmates, and devoted the rest of the year to general reading and some little teaching, in New Haven; until, becoming deeply interested in the fierce struggle over the Speakership of the House
Robert Stiles, Four years under Marse Robert, Chapter 3: from New York to Richmond (search)
s I was of the law. Three or four of us, Yale graduates and classmates, were in the same boarding-house on Washington Square. Ed. Carrington, a youth of uncommon power and promise, who lost his life during the war in an obscure skirmish in Florida, like myself, was studying law, but he roomed with Joe Twichell, who was then studying theology; dear Joe, who preached the bi-centennial sermon at Yale, and is to-day, as he has always been, the most admired and best beloved man of the class of 1859. My room-mate was Tom Lounsbury, then employed in literary work on one of the great encyclopedias, to-day the distinguished incumbent of the Chair of English in Yale University. But this peace was not to last long. The election of Lincoln, the rapid secession of the Southern States, the formation of the Southern Confederacy, the inauguration of the Presidents, first of the new and then of the old federation; the adoption by the Southern States of a different and a permanent Constitution