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William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 2 691 691 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 382 382 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 218 218 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 96 96 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 74 74 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 68 68 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 58 58 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 56 56 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 54 54 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 49 49 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History. You can also browse the collection for 1860 AD or search for 1860 AD in all documents.

Your search returned 12 results in 9 document sections:

self written that these three different schools were kept successively by Andrew Crawford, — Swaney, and Azel W. Dorsey. Other witnesses state the succession somewhat differently. The important fact to be gleaned from what we learn about Mr. Lincoln's schooling is that the instruction given him by these five different teachers--two in Kentucky and three in Indiana, in short sessions of attendance scattered over a period of nine yearsmade up in all less than a twelvemonth. He said of it in 1860, Abraham now thinks that the aggregate of all his schooling did not amount to one year. This distribution of the tuition he received was doubtless an advantage. Had it all been given him at his first school in Indiana, it would probably not have carried him half through Webster's Elementary spelling book. The lazy or indifferent pupils who were his schoolmates doubtless forgot what was taught them at one time before they had opportunity at another; but to the exceptional character of Abrah
rried caucus of Lincoln's party friends. They all advised against propounding it, saying, If you do, you can never be senator. Gentlemen, replied Lincoln, I am killing larger game; if Douglas answers, he can never be President, and the battle of 1860 is worth a hundred of this. As Lincoln had predicted, Douglas had no resource but to repeat the sophism he had hastily invented in his Springfield speech of the previous year. It matters not, replied he, what way the Supreme Court may herea North. To Schuyler Colfax (afterward Vice-President) he said in a letter dated July 6, 1859: My main object in such conversation would be to hedge against divisions in the Republican ranks generally, and particularly for the contest of 1860. The point of danger is the temptation in different localities to platform for something which will be popular just there, but which, nevertheless, will be a firebrand elsewhere, and especially in a national convention. As instances: the movemen
e embarrassment of seeming ourselves to have abandoned our principle. A still more important service, however, in giving the Republican presidential campaign of 1860 precise form and issue was rendered by him during the first three months of the new year. The public mind had become so preoccupied with the dominant subject of nmembering the encouraging opposition strength which the united vote of Fremont and Fillmore had shown in 1856, they felt encouraged to hope for possible success in 1860, since the Fillmore party had practically disappeared throughout the free States. When, therefore, the Charleston convention was rent asunder and adjourned on Mayasis, asked whether the convention was prepared to go upon record before the country as voting down the words of the Declaration of Independence-whether the men of 1860, on the free prairies of the West, quailed before repeating the words enunciated by the men of ‘76 at Philadelphia. In an impulse of patriotic reaction, the amend
Chapter 11. Candidates and platforms the political chances Decatur Lincoln resolution John Hanks and the Lincoln rails the Rail Splitter candidate the wide Awakes Douglas's Southern tour Jefferson Davis's address fusion Lincoln at the State House the election result The nomination of Lincoln at Chicago completed the preparations of the different parties of the country for the presidential contest of 1860; and presented the unusual occurrence of an appeal to the voters of the several States by four distinct political organizations. In the order of popular strength which they afterward developed, they were: I. The Republican party, whose platform declared in substance that slavery was wrong, and that its further extension should be prohibited by Congress. Its candidates were Abraham Lincoln of Illinois for President, and Hannibal Hamlin of Maine for Vice-President. 2. The Douglas wing of the Democratic party, which declared indifference whether
Chapter 12. Lincoln's cabinet program members from the South questions and answers correspondence with Stephens action of Congress peace convention preparation of the inaugural Lincoln's farewell address the journey to Washington Lincoln's midnight journey During the long presidential campaign of 1860, between the Chicago convention in the middle of May and the election at the beginning of November, Mr. Lincoln, relieved from all other duties, had watched political developments with very close attention, not merely to discern the progress of his own chances, but, doubtless, also, much more seriously to deliberate upon the future in case he should be elected. But it was only when, on the night of November 6, he sat in the telegraph office at Springfield, from which all but himself and the operators were excluded, and read the telegrams as they fell from the wires, that little by little the accumulating Republican majorities reported from all directions con
Chapter 16. Congress the President's message men and money voted the contraband Dennison Appoints McClellan rich Mountain McDowell Bull Run Patterson's failure McClellan at Washington While these preparations for a Virginia campaign were going on, another campaign was also slowly shaping itself in Western Virginia; but before either of them reached any decisive results the Thirty-seventh Congress, chosen at the presidential election of 1860, met in special session on the fourth of July, 1861, in pursuance of the President's proclamation of April 15. There being no members present in either branch from the seceded States, the number in each house was reduced nearly one third. A great change in party feeling was also manifest. No more rampant secession speeches were to be heard. Of the rare instances of men who were yet to join the rebellion, ex-Vice-President Breckinridge was the most conspicuous example; and their presence was offset by prominent Sotthe
subject of reconstruction, and he matured a general plan which he laid before Congress in his annual message to that body on December8, 1863. He issued on the same day a proclamation of amnesty, on certain conditions, to all persons in rebellion, except certain specified classes, who should take a prescribed oath of allegiance. The proclamation further provided that whenever a number of persons so amnestied in any rebel State, equal to one tenth the vote cast at the presidential election of 1860, should reestablish a State government which shall be republican, and in no wise contravening said oath, such would be recognized as the true government of the State. The annual message discussed and advocated the plan at length, but also added: Saying that reconstruction will be accepted if presented in a specified way, it is not said it will never be accepted in any other way. This plan of reconstructing what came to be called ten per cent. States, met much opposition in Congress, and t
for V. P. Wish not to interfere about V. P. Cannot interfere about platform. Convention must judge for itself. This positive and final instruction was sent at once to Mr. Nicolay, and by him communicated to the President's most intimate friends in the convention. It was therefore with minds absolutely untrammeled by even any knowledge of the President's wishes that the convention went about its work of selecting his associate on the ticket. It is altogether probable that the ticket of 1860 would have been nominated without a contest had it not been for the general impression, in and out of the convention, that it would be advisable to select as a candidate for the vice-presidency a war Democrat. Mr. Dickinson, while not putting himself forward as a candidate, had sanctioned the use of his name on the special ground that his candidacy might attract to the support of the Union party many Democrats who would have been unwilling to support a ticket avowedly Republican; but these c
d as a peace offering to the States in rebellion. On the evening of February 5, 1865, he called his cabinet together, and read to them the draft of a joint resolution and proclamation embodying this idea, offering the Southern States four hundred million dollars, or a sum equal to the cost of the war for two hundred days, on condition that hostilities cease by the first of April, 1865; to be paid in six per cent. government bonds, pro rata on their slave populations as shown by the census of 1860-one half on April I, the other half only upon condition that the Thirteenth Amendment be ratified by a requisite number of States before July I, 1865. It turned out that he was more humane and liberal than his constitutional advisers. The indorsement in his own handwriting on the manuscript draft records the result of his appeal and suggestion: February 5, 1865. To-day, these papers, which explain themselves, were drawn up and submitted to the cabinet, and unanimously disapproved by