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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 2 2 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: December 27, 1860., [Electronic resource] 1 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 22. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 1 1 Browse Search
Colonel Charles E. Hooker, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.2, Mississippi (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1 1 Browse Search
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1 1 Browse Search
Col. J. J. Dickison, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 11.2, Florida (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 1 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 1 1 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 1 1 Browse Search
Elias Nason, The Life and Times of Charles Sumner: His Boyhood, Education and Public Career. 1 1 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 1 1 Browse Search
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Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 4: seditious movements in Congress.--Secession in South Carolina, and its effects. (search)
s to the next compact as she has been to this which she is now endeavoring to avoid. Letter of John Minor Botts to H. B. M., Esq., of Staunton, dated November 27, 1860. We may also add the important fact that the great mass of the people, especially of Western Virginia, were too thoroughly loyal to follow the leadings of the politicians into revolutionary ways. Almost a year rolled away, and the same man (Memminger) stood up before a large congregation of citizens in Charleston, November 30, 1860. and, in a speech which perfectly exhibited the power of the politicians over the people of South Carolina, foreshadowed, in distinct outline, the course of revolutionary events in the near future. He foretold the exact day when an ordinance of secession would be passed in the coming State Convention; that Commissioners would be sent to Washington to treat on the terms of separation; that the demand would be made for the surrender of the forts in Charleston harbor into the hands of in
the same general object, but contemplating a different method of attaining it, the veteran Editor of The Albany Evening Journal--whose utterances were widely regarded as deriving additional consequence from his intimate and almost life-long association with Gov. Seward--took ground, at an early day, in favor of concessions calculated — at all events, intended — to calm the ebullition of Southern blood. Being sharply criticised therefor, by several of his contemporaries, he replied November 30, 1860. to them generally as follows: The suggestions, in a recent number of The Journal, of a basis of settlement of differences between the North and the South, have, in awakening attention and discussion, accomplished their purpose. We knew that in no quarter would these suggestions be more distasteful than with our own most valued friends. We knew that the occasion would be regarded as inopportune. We knew also the provocations in the controversy were with our opponents. Nothing i
on. * * * Coercion, if it were possible, is out of the question. The Charleston Courier of November, 1860, announced the formation of Military organizations in various parts of the North in defense of Southern rights. Allentown, Pa., was specified as one of the points at which such forces were mustering and drilling. The Peace Conference, or Congress, so called, was assembled on the unanimous invitation of the Legislature of Virginia, Adopted January 19, 1861. So early as Nov. 30, 1860, Gov. John Letcher, of Virginia, who, as a Douglas Democrat and former anti-Slavery man, was regarded as among the most moderate of Southern politicians, in answer to a Union letter from Rev. Lewis P. Clover, a Democrat of Springfield, Ill., had said: I now consider the overthrow of the Union absolutely certain. South Carolina will secede; and the chain, once broken, is not very likely to be reunited. * * * Unless something shall be speedily done to quiet the apprehensions of the So
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Mississippi, (search)
governor two years......Feb. 2, 1856 Jacob Thompson Secretary of the Interior......March 6, 1857 Southern convention delegates from eight States assemble at Vicksburg and consider reopening the slave-trade......May 11, 1859 Whitworth female college at Brookhaven opened and chartered......1859 By joint resolution the legislature directs the governor to appoint commissioners to the several slave-holding States, asking their co-operation in secession. Legislature adjourned......Nov. 30, 1860 State convention meets at Jackson, Jan. 7, 1861, passes an ordinance of secession, Jan. 9, 84 to 15......Jan. 15, 1861 Confederates occupy the unfinished fort on Ship Island, under construction since 1855......Jan. 20, 1861 State convention ratifies the constitution of the Confederate States......March 26, 1861 Town of Biloxi captured by Federal naval force under Capt. Melancthon Smith......Dec. 31, 1861 Confederate government removes the State archives from Jackson to Co
(where he died May 10, 1860), and of learning that the degree of Ll.D. had been conferred on him by Harvard University. Spending the month of August in Havre for the benefit of sea-bathing, Mr. Sumner returned to Paris in the autumn almost entirely well; and with exquisite pleasure visited La Grange, the country home of Lafayette, whose noble character and public services he held in great admiration. In his grand address on Lafayette, the faithful one, at Cooper Institute, New York, Nov. 30, 1860, he thus spoke of his excursion and the place:-- On a clear and lovely day of October, in company with a friend, I visited this famous seat, which at once reminded me of the prints of it so common at shop-windows in my childhood. It is a picturesque and venerable castle,--with five round towers, a moat, a drawbridge, an arched gateway, ivy-clad walls, and a large court-yard within,--embosomed in trees, except on one side, where a beautiful lawn spreads its verdure. Every thing speak
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, chapter 14 (search)
m whom you may get some idea of foreign life and thought. Of course, always have a book with you as a companion should other society fail. But keep alone, always excepting the companionship of a friend, whose society might compensate for the loss of all that chance can throw in your way. Sumner returned to Paris, where he passed three weeks, mostly engaged in collecting bric-a-brac, but making one day an excursion to Lagrange, the home of Lafayette, In his lecture on Lafayette, Nov. 30, 1860, he described this visit. (Works, vol. v. p. 375.) The writer made a visit to Lagrange in 1882, when he found the chateau and grounds as Sumner described them, except that the ivy planted by Charles James Fox had been killed by the severe frost of the previous winter. in company with a friend, probably Joseph Lyman. Here he was most graciously received by Madame de Lasteyrie. Just before leaving the city he wrote to theodore Parker, then at Neuchatel: I had intended, dear Parke
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
Davis says that but two men in Washington are frightened,—the President and Scott. I enjoyed Andrew's message. At last Massachusetts is herself! Horace Greeley, appalled with the prospect of civil war with an uncertain issue, hastened to bid the insurgent States to go in peace, while at the same time rejecting any compromise. He treated secession as a revolutionary right, and discountenanced coercive measures for keeping the seceding States in the Union. New York Tribune, Nov. 9, 26, 30, Dec. 17, 1860; Feb. 23, 1861. Greeley says in his History that several other Republican journals, including some of the most influential, held similar language, and maintained a position not unlike that of the Tribune. Later, in the New York Tribune, Aug. 23, 1865, Greeley explained his position in 1860-1861. The Boston Advertiser (Nov. 12, Dec. 12, 1860; Jan. 24, 1861), a conservative journal, published leaders of the same tenor as the Tribune's articles. Among Sumner's correspondents w
Confederate States army. The ablest jurists and statesmen of the country having firmly asserted, clearly elucidated and bravely vindicated the legal right of a State to secede from the general government, an intelligent, chivalrous people, proudly assured of the justice of their convictions, could not forswear the great principles of a lifetime. On the 3d of January, 186, the people of Florida, through their delegates chosen in pursuance of the act of the general assembly, approved November 30, 1860, assembled in convention in the hall of the house of representatives in the capitol of the State, at the city of Tallahassee. This honorable body, composed of the best talent in the State, was temporarily organized with John C. Pelot, of Alachua, as chairman, and B. G. Pringle, of Gadsden, as secretary. After an address by Mr. Pelot, the proceedings were opened with prayer by Bishop Rutledge. The names of the members of the convention, and the counties and districts they represen
of the Washington correspondents telegraph that Mr. Buchanan is attempting to map out a middle course in which to steer his bark during the tempest which now howls about him. He is to condemn the asserted right of secession but to assert in the same breath that he is opposed to keeping a State in the Union by what he calls Federal coercion. Now we have no desire to prevent secession by coercion, but we hold this position to be utterly unsupported by law or reason. New York Tribune, November 30, 1860.—Are We Going to Fight?—But if the cotton States generally unite with her in seceding, we insist that they cannot be prevented, and that the attempt must not be made. Five millions of people, more than half of them of the dominant race of whom at least half a million are able and willing to shoulder muskets, can never be subdued while fighting around and over their own hearthstones. If they could be, they would no longer be equal members of the Union, but conquered dependencies. . .
uestion that ever engaged the attention of any legislative body on the continent. The legislature met at Jackson, November 26, 1860, and, after citing in a preamble their reasons for so doing, adopted the following resolution: Be it Resolved, by the legislature of the State of Mississippi: That, in the opinion of those who now constitute the said legislature, the secession of each aggrieved State is the proper remedy for these injuries. This resolution was approved by the governor on November 30, 1860. This legislature also passed a bill providing for a convention of the people of Mississippi, agreeably to which an election was to be held, according to law, in each precinct of every county in the State, sixty in number, for delegates to the convention, just as in case of an election for representatives to the legislature, each county being entitled to the same number of delegates in the convention as in the legislature, including the representation of any city or town. The elect
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