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William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 2 1,245 1,245 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 666 666 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 260 260 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 197 197 Browse Search
George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 190 190 Browse Search
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1. 93 93 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 8: Soldier Life and Secret Service. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 88 88 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 30. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 82 82 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 79 79 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 75 75 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for 1861 AD or search for 1861 AD in all documents.

Your search returned 17 results in 14 document sections:

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quarters; and the letters of Washington That spirit of freedom, which, at the commencement of this contest, would have gladly sacrificed every thing to the attainment of its object, has long since subsided, and every selfish passion has taken its place. It is not the public, but private interest, which influences the generality of mankind, nor can the Americans any longer boast of an exception. --Washington's Letter to Henry Laurens, July 10 (1782). Shoddy, it seems, dates away back of 1861. and his compatriots bear testimony to the wide-spread prevalence of venality and corruption, even while the great issue of independence or subjugation was still undecided. The return of peace, though it arrested the calamities, the miseries, and the desolations of war, was far from ushering in that halcyon state of universal prosperity and happiness which had been fondly and sanguinely anticipated. Thousands were suddenly deprived by it of their accustomed employment and means of subsist
Xvii. The Nebraska-Kansas struggle. 1854-61 Pierce Atchison A. C. Dodge Douglas Archibald Dixon Salmon P. Chase Badger of N. C. English of Ind. A. H. Stephens Gov. Reeder William Philips John W. Whitfield civil War in Kansas Wm. Dow sheriff Jones nomination of Fremont President Fillmore at Albany election of Buchanan Lecompton Wyandot admission of Kansas as a Free State. Franklin Pierce was inaugurated President on the 4th of March, 1853. Never were the visible omens more auspicious of coming years of political calm and National prosperity. Though a considerable Public Debt had been incurred for the prosecution and close of the Mexican War, yet the Finances were healthy and the Public Credit unimpaired. Industry and Trade were signally prosperous. The Tariff had ceased to be a theme of partisan or sectional strife. The immense yield of gold by California during the four preceding years had stimulated Enterprise and quickened the energies of Labo
separately and unanimously, the following: Resolved, That, having extended to the Hon. H. Dickenson, Commissioner from Mississippi, the courtesy due him as the representative of a sovereign State of the confederacy, as well as to the State he represents, we deem it proper, and due to ourselves and the people of Delaware, to express our unqualified disapproval of the remedy for the existing difficulties suggested by the resolutions of the Legislature of Mississippi. Before the opening of 1861, a perfect reign of terror had been established throughout the Gulf States. A secret order, known as Knights of the Golden circle, or as Knights of the Columbian Star, succeeding that known, six or seven years earlier, as the Order of the Lone Star, having for its ostensible object the acquisition of Cuba, Mexico, and Central America, and the establishment of Slavery in the two latter, but really operating in the interest of Disunion, had spread its network of lodges, grips, passwords, and a
a command. Though the interest in the subject had seemed general at the last meeting, and the disposition to discuss it mutual and cordial, not a man now appeared to speak for Slavery. The Yankees enjoyed or endured each other's society throughout the evening, sipped their coffee with due decorum, and dispersed at the proper hour, without an opportunity for discussion, leaving the proposed debate to stand adjourned over to the opening of the bombardment of Fort Sumter, in the year of grace 1861. Why can't you let Slavery alone? was imperiously or querulously demanded at the North, throughout the long struggle preceding that bombardment, by men who should have seen, but would not, that Slavery never let the North alone, nor thought of so doing. Buy Louisiana for us! said the slaveholders. With pleasure. Now Florida! Certainly. Next: Violate your treaties with the Creeks and Cherokees; expel those tribes from the lands they have held from time immemorial, so as to let us exp
es 196-7. It was defeated again in the next Congress, when proposed by Mr. Douglas, in 1848: Yeas 82; Nays 121; only three Democrats and no Whig from Free States sustaining it. See pages 197-8. The Republican party was now required, in the year 1861, to assent to a partition of the territories, and an establishment of Slavery therein, which both the Whig and the Democratic parties of the Free States had repeatedly, and all but unanimously, rejected before there was any Republican party. Thusy years? Why repudiate, against the most urgent remonstrances, in 1854, a compromise which, so far as it went, was substantially identical with this, and now ask those whom they then overbore to unite with them in ratifying another and a worse, in 1861? II. The Conservatives, so called, were still able to establish this Crittenden Compromise by their own proper strength, had they been disposed so to do. The President was theirs; the Senate strongly theirs; in the House, they had a small majo
of Congress. The Senators and Representatives are, therefore, summoned to assemble at their respective chambers at 12 o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the 4th day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the City of Washington, this 15th day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. Abraham Lincoln. By the President: Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State. This Proclamation was received throughout the Free States with very general and enthusiastic approval. Nearly all of them on this side of the Rocky Mountains had Republican Governors and Legislatures, who vied with each other in proffers of men, money, munitions, and everything that could be needed to vindicate the authority
ghts to the incessant exactions of the Slave Power; though her ruling politicians and presses were usually held in subjection to the dominant interest by the preponderating power of the East. Her people had but to look across the Ohio, whereto their streams tended and their surplus produce was sent, to convince them that their connection with the Old Dominion was unfortunate and injurious. Ten years prior to this, Muscoe R. H. Garnett, Democratic representative in Congress from 1857 to 1861; since then, in the Rebel Congress. a leading politician of Old Virginia, writing privately to his friend and compatriot, William H. Trescott, Assistant Sec'ry of State under Buchanan. of South Carolina, who had sounded him with regard to the aid to be expected from Virginia, in case South Carolina should then secede from the Union, had responded Richmond, May 3, 1851. as follows: I believe thoroughly in our own theories, and that, if Charleston did not grow quite so fast in her tra
by Gen. Grant's army, during his glorious Mississippi campaign of 1863, were several boxes of the letters and private papers of Jefferson Davis, found in an out-house on a plantation between Jackson and Vicksburg. Several of these letters were given to the public by their captors, many of them bearing the signatures of Northern men of note, who have never denied their authenticity. These letters throw a clear light on the state of Southern opinion which induced the Secession movement of 1860-61, and are therefore essential contributions to the history of that period. As such, a portion of them will here be given. So early as 1850, James Buchanan (not yet President) wrote to Mr. Davis, complaining that the South was disposed to be too easily satisfied, with regard to her rights in the territories. In this private and confidential letter, dated Wheatland, March 16th, he says: So far from having in any degree recoiled from the Missouri Compromise, I have prepared a letter to s
organization effected McClelian advances fight at Rich McUntain Rebel rout at Carrick's Ford Union repulse at Searytown surprise at cross Lanes Caraifex Ferry Guyandotte Romney Alleghany Summit Huntersville. the Virginia Convention of 1861, of which a majority assumed to vote their State out of the Union, as we have seen, had been elected not only as Unionists, but under an express stipulation that their action should be valid only in case of its submission to and indorsement by a vhe ground covered with snow; yet the march was made in three days, the Rebel force driven out, and six buildings, filled with provisions and forage, destroyed by fire; the expedition returning without loss or accident. Here closed the campaign of 1861 in Western Virginia, with scarcely a Rebel uniform or picket to be seen, on that side of the Alleghany Mountains. Though the crest of the main ridge of the Alleghanies is the natural and proper line of demarcation between the Old Dominion and n
our regiments that might and should have confronted them. That Gen. Scott, though loyal and Union-loving, was always in favor of buying off the Rebellion by compromises and concessions, and averse to what was most unjustly termed coercion and invasion, is no secret. How eagerly he jumped upon the finality platform when nominated for President, in 1852, and ordered a grand salute of one hundred guns in honor of the passage of Mr. Guthrie's Compromise propositions in the Peace Conference of 1861, are matters of record. That he sought to have Fort Sumter evacuated, a month later, as a military necessity, is well known. Two or three weeks thereafter, on the very morning that the Rebels opened fire on Sumter, The National Intelligencer, of April 12th, contained the following, which was widely understood to have been inspired, if not directly written, by him: There is a general and almost universal desire that no coercive measures should be resorted to, so as to induce actual colli
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