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Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 1. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), The treatment of prisoners during the war between the States. (search)
is of those general orders. In those declarations of exchange, I have not exceeded the valid paroles, which are on file in my office. The reply of the Federal agent to my letter of October 31st, 1863, was so personally offensive, that I was compelled to return it to him without any answer. 4. Papers from forty-one to forty-seven, inclusive, relate to the confinement of General John H. Morgan and his officers in the penitentiary, at Columbus, Ohio. Though the Federal agent on the 30th of July, 1863, notified me that General John H. Morgan and his officers would be placed in close confinement, he.informed me two months afterwards, that the United States authorities had nothing to do with the treatment that General Morgan and his command received when imprisoned at Columbus. 5. Papers from forty-eight to fifty-seven, inclusive, relate to the detention of surgeons. Before the date of the cartel, surgeons were unconditionally released after capture. That rule was first adopted b
The Annals of the Civil War Written by Leading Participants North and South (ed. Alexander Kelly McClure), The Exchange of prisoners. (search)
aptured. They were carried to Cincinnati, and from thence, by General Burnside's order, he and twenty-eight of his officers were sent to the penitentiary at Columbus, where they were shaved and their hair cut very close by a negro convict. They were then marched to the bath-room and scrubbed, and thence to their cells. Seven days afterward forty-two more of General Morgan's officers were sent from Johnson's Island to the penitentiary, and subjected to the same indignities. On the 30th of July, 1863, I was informed by the Federal agent of exchange, General Meredith, that General John H. Morgan and his officers will be placed in close confinement, and held as hostages for the members of Colonel Streight's command. I replied, on the 1st of August, that Colonel Streight's command was treated exactly as were other officers. On the 28th of August I wrote another letter, asking the Federal Agent whether he wished Colonel Streight to be shaved and put in a felon's cell, and suggesting,
r troops. This is very gratifying to our Fredericksburg refugees, who are going up to see if they can recover their property. All movables, such as household furniture, books, etc., of any value, have been carried off. Their houses, in some instances, have been battered down. I was in Richmond this morning, and bought a calico dress, for which I gave $2.50 per yard, and considered it a bargain; the new importations have run up to $3.50; and $4 per yard. To what are we coming? July 30th, 1863. Our good President has again appointed a day for fasting and prayer. The Florida and Alabama are performing wonderful feats, and are worrying the North excessively. Many a cargo has been lost to the Northern merchant princes by their skill, and I trust that the Government vessels feel their power. Several members of our household have gone to the mountains in pursuit of health-Mr.-- among the rest. Mrs. P., of Amelia, is here, cheering the house by her sprightliness; and l
e he sustained a loss of only twenty killed and sixty wounded. It is unnecessary to explain that the bulk of the slain were colored soldiers. Making due allowance for the heat of battle, history can considerately veil closer scrutiny into the realities wrapped in the exaggerated boast of such a victory. The Fort Pillow incident, which occurred in the spring of 1864, brought upon President Lincoln the very serious question of enforcing an order of retaliation which had been issued on July 30, 1863, as an answer to the Confederate joint resolution of May I. Mr. Lincoln's freedom from every trace of passion was as. conspicuous in this as in all his official acts. In a little address at Baltimore, while referring to the rumor of the massacre which had just been received, Mr. Lincoln said: We do not to-day know that a colored soldier, or white officer commanding colored soldiers, has been massacred by the rebels when made a prisoner. We fear it, believe it, I may say, but we
Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. Volume 4., The Red River campaign. (search)
The Red River campaign. by Richard B. Irwin, Lieutenant-Colonel, U. S. V., Assistant Adjutant-General, Department of the Gulf. After the fall of Port Hudson on the 8th of July, 1863, the forces of the Department of the Gulf, instead of going at once against Mobile as urged by General Grant, General Banks, Banks to Halleck, July 23d, 30th, and August 1st, 1863. And see General Grant's article, Vol. III., p. 679, of this work. and Admiral Farragut, and thus lending an effective support to the main operations about Chattanooga at a critical period, were occupied in attempting to carry out the orders of the Government to restore the flag in Texas. General Banks was informed by General Halleck that the Government fully appreciated the importance of the proposed operations against Mobile, Halleck to Banks, July 24th, August 6th, 10th, and 12th. There is some reason for thinking that the idea may have originated with President Lincoln himself: see Lincoln to Stanton, July 29th,
ally wounded. After one of the conflicts before Charleston, an immediate exchange of prisoners was agreed on ; but, when ours came to be received, only the Whites made their appearance. A remonstrance against this breach of faith was met by a plea of want of power to surrender Blacks taken in arms, because of the resolve just quoted and orders based thereon; and this was probably the immediate impulse to the issue of the following General Order: Executive Mansion, Washington, July 30, 1863. It is the duty of every Government to give protection to its citizens, of \whatever class, color, or condition. and especially to those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations, and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person, on account of his color, and for no offense against the laws of war, i
pon our men set fire to the houses, and their occupants got bodily a taste in this world of the flames eternal. The Government of the United States has wisely seen fit to enlist many thousand colored soldiers to aid in putting down the revolution, and has placed them on the same footing in all respects to our white troops. The orders of the President on that subject are so just, full, and clear, that I inclose a copy for your information :-- executive Mansion, Washington, D. C., July 30, 1863. It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citizens of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those who are duly organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person on account of his color, and for no offence against the laws of war, is a re
citizens to aid in putting down the rebellion, and has placed them on the same footing in all respects, as her white troops. The orders of the President are so just, full, and clear, that I inclose a copy for your consideration: war Department, Adjutant-General's office, Washington, D. C., July 31, 1863. General orders, No. 252. The following order from the President is published for the information and government of all concerned: Executive mansion, Washington, D. C., July 30, 1863. It is the duty of every government to give protection to its citizens of whatever class, color, or condition, and especially to those organized as soldiers in the public service. The law of nations, and the usages and customs of war, as carried on by civilized powers, permit no distinction as to color in the treatment of prisoners of war as public enemies. To sell or enslave any captured person on account of his color, and for no offence against the laws of war, is a relapse into b
ate officer Federal generals killed in battle group no. 4 Brevet Brig.-Gen. James A. Mulligan, Winchester, July 26, 1864. Brig.-Gen. Thos. G. Stevenson, Spotsylvania, May 10, 1864. Brevet Maj.-Gen. Thomas A. Smyth, Farmville, April 9, 1865 Bri.-Gen. Robt. L. McCook, Decherd, Tenn., August 6, 1862. Brig.-Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, Wilson's Creek, August 10, 1861. Brig.-Gen. Henry Bohlen, freeman's Ford, August 22, 1865. Brevet Maj.-Gen. Geo C. Strong, Fort Wagner, July 30, 1863. Brevet Maj.-Gen. S. K. Zook, Gettysburg, July 3, 1863. Brevet Maj.-Gen. Frederick Winthrop, five Forks, April 1, 1865. Brevet Maj.-Gen. Alexander Hays, Wilderness, May 5, 1864. rode suddenly out of the woods on to his picket-post at Scott's dam, just above Banks' Ford. A Federal soldier was nearing the south bank of the river, newspaper in hand. The soldier reluctantly came ashore, insisting that he should be allowed to return; the Confederate pickets had promised it. Yes, wa
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 8. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Battle of Gettysburg. (search)
Battle of Gettysburg. Report of General S. D. Ramseur. headquarters Ramseur's brigade, July 30, 1863. Major G. Peyton, Assistant Adjutant-General: In accordance with orders from division headquarters, I have the honor to submit the following report of the part taken by my command in the actions of the 1st, 2d and 3d of July, 1863, near Gettysburg, Pennsylvania: July 1st. In rear of the division train, as a guard on the march from Heidlersburg to Gettysburg, my brigade arrived on the field after the division had formed line of battle. I was then held in reserve to support General Doles on the left, Colonel O'Neal left centre, or General Iverson on the right centre, according to circumstances. After resting about fifteen minutes, I received orders to send two regiments to the support of Colonel O'Neal, and with the remaining two to support Iverson. I immediately detached the Second and Fourth North Carolina sharpshooters to support O'Neal, and with the Fourteenth
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