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George P. Rowell and Company's American Newspaper Directory, containing accurate lists of all the newspapers and periodicals published in the United States and territories, and the dominion of Canada, and British Colonies of North America., together with a description of the towns and cities in which they are published. (ed. George P. Rowell and company) 780 780 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 302 302 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 91 91 Browse Search
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 2 88 88 Browse Search
Brigadier-General Ellison Capers, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 5, South Carolina (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 58 58 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 44 44 Browse Search
Lucius R. Paige, History of Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1630-1877, with a genealogical register 44 44 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 37 37 Browse Search
The Photographic History of The Civil War: in ten volumes, Thousands of Scenes Photographed 1861-65, with Text by many Special Authorities, Volume 10: The Armies and the Leaders. (ed. Francis Trevelyan Miller) 25 25 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 23 23 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Adam Badeau, Grant in peace: from Appomattox to Mount McGregor, a personal memoir. You can also browse the collection for 1866 AD or search for 1866 AD in all documents.

Your search returned 6 results in 5 document sections:

g them General Custis Lee, a son of the Southern commander. But Grant considered that men taken in battle with arms in their hands were not as yet entitled to the same treatment with those who had surrendered in the open field; for, it must be remembered, he held that he had been fighting rebels. Accordingly the men were not paroled at that time. Nevertheless, the terms which he refused to extend in one instance he was prompt to temper to changed conditions in another. In the summer of 1866, a daughter of General Lee fell dangerously ill in North Carolina. Lee was then living at Lexington, in Virginia, and supposed that his parole did not allow him to leave his home, even to visit a dying child. I learned the fact and reported it to Grant, who at once directed me to enclose a formal extension of his parole to Lee, but to state that at this late day he did not consider the extension necessary. General Lee acknowledged the obligation in the following letter: Lexington, V
en a President neither visited nor attended evening parties. He stood by the side of Grant and received the guests, and the circumstance was heralded all over the country as an indication of the cordial political understanding between them. In 1866 a convention was held at Philadelphia of those who supported Mr. Johnson's views. It was attended by many Southerners and by Northerners who had opposed the war, as well as by some who had fought for the Union but who now advocated measures less ow; it stipulated for the sacredness of the National debt and the forfeiture of that of the Confederacy. These provisions were embodied in an amendment to the Constitution to be submitted to all the States, both North and South. In the autumn of 1866, in spite of the violent opposition of the Administration, the amendment was ratified by every Northern State. The President's plan was thus rejected by those who had been successful in the field. At this epoch Grant became a politician. He thr
Chapter XI Grant, Stanton, and Johnson. during the spring and summer of 1866 both Grant and Stanton were opposing their common superior, for both believed that superior was opposing the declared will of the people, to whom Presidents are responsible. Stanton remained in the Cabinet for the express purpose of preventing Johnson from carrying out his opposition to the law. His course was approved by the mass of those who had been friendly to the Government during the war. It was approved by Grant, with whom the fact that the people had spoken was paramount. Even had he disapproved the law he would have felt it his duty to enforce it, and he was shocked as well as pained at the spectacle of the President and nearly all his Cabinet devoting their energies and arts to plotting the obstruction and evasion of the law. If he had felt some twinges of annoyance at Stanton's brusque demeanor, he put away the remembrance now, and throughout this entire crisis the two were heartily in a
Chapter 16: The impeachment of Andrew Johnson. Grant had originally been very much averse to the proposition to impeach the President. Suggestions of this proceeding had been made as early as 1866, and in May of that year Grant wrote to Washburne, who was then in Europe: But little is heard now about impeachment. It is sincerely to be hoped that we will not, unless something occurs hereafter to fully justify it. It was not until Johnson's removal of Stanton and the appointment of Lorenzo Thomas as Secretary of War, and after his own violent differences with the President, that Grant looked with favor on this extreme measure. But when the motion for impeachment was finally passed he heartily approved it. He took the liveliest interest in the proceedings, and though he preserved a proper reticence in his public utterances, he did not scruple with those in his confidence to express his opinion that the action of Congress was entirely justified. He refused, however, to visit t
oint and the frontier; they discussed the movement in which they were engaged; and finally Meade referred to some resolutions of a Pennsylvania convention nominating Hancock for the Presidency. Both Grant and Meade poked fun at Hancock for this, and he good-naturedly received it all. Indeed, it rather tickled him. He was not appointed a brigadier in the regular army for Spottsylvania, but Grant was persistent and in August nominated him again. This time the promotion was conferred. In 1866 the grade of general was created for Grant. This made Sherman lieutenant-general and left a vacancy among the major-generals, to which Grant promptly nominated Hancock, who thus received both his promotions from his old cadet comrade. But during the Reconstruction period, they took different sides. Grant believed that Congress was right in the long struggle with Andrew Johnson, but Hancock espoused the views of the President. Grant at first had no suspicion of the leaning of Hancock, a