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Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 3 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 26 26 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 34. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 8 8 Browse Search
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life 7 7 Browse Search
Medford Historical Society Papers, Volume 15. 6 6 Browse Search
Medford Historical Society Papers, Volume 25. 6 6 Browse Search
Historic leaves, volume 6, April, 1907 - January, 1908 5 5 Browse Search
Plato, Republic 5 5 Browse Search
Historic leaves, volume 4, April, 1905 - January, 1906 4 4 Browse Search
Medford Historical Society Papers, Volume 8. 4 4 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 33. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 4 4 Browse Search
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Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVI, Chapter 71 (search)
yment of a tithe to the Macedonians, and by founding strong cities at key places made it impossible for the Thracians to commit any outrages in the future. So the Greek cities were freed from this fear and gladly joined Philip's alliance. Theopompus of Chios, the historian, in his History of Philip, included three books dealing with affairs in Sicily.Similar references to literary figures are a recurring feature of Diodorus's narrative (E. Schwartz, Real-Encyclopädie, 5 (1905), 668 f.). Cp. also chap. 76.5-6 below. These are usually, although not always, historians, and we must suppose that Diodorus was familiar with their writings. To what extent they are to be taken as his specific sources is unknown. Diodorus referred to the beginning of Theopompus's Philippica above, chap. 3.8. Beginning with the tyranny of Dionysius the Elder he covered a period of fifty years, closing with the expulsion of the younger Dionysius. These three books
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 25 (search)
nkenness may have been a fiction, since Perdiccas acted without orders. Memnon's men noticed the awkwardness of these attackers and issuing forth themselves in considerably larger numbers routed the Macedonians and killed many of them. As this situation became known, large numbers of Macedonians rushed up to help and a great struggle took place, and when Alexander and his staff came up, the Persians, forced back, were confined within the city, and the king through a herald asked for a truce to recover the Macedonians who had fallen in front of the walls. Now Ephialtes and Thrasybulus,Two of the Athenian generals whose surrender had been demanded after the capture of Thebes (chap. 15.1). Cp. Realencyclopädie, 5 (1905), 2852 f.; 5 A (1936), 575. Arrian. 1.10.4 mentions Ephialtes but not Thrasybulus. Athenians fighting on the Persian side, advised not to give up the dead bodies for burial, but Memnon granted the request.
Plato, Republic, Book 5, section 473c (search)
nd iv. 27. It was a standardized topic of compliment to princes in Themistius, Julian, the Panegyrici Latini, and many modern imitators. Among the rulers who have been thus compared with Plato's philosophic king are Marcus Aurelius, Constantine, Arcadius, James I., Frederick the Great, and Napoleon. There is a partial history of the commonplace in T. Sinko's Program, Sententiae Platonicae de philophis regnantibus fata quae fuerint, Krakow, 1904, in the supplementary article of Karl Praechter, Byzantinische Zeitschrift, xiv. (1905) pp. 4579-491, and in the dissertation of Emil Wolff, Francis Bacons Verhaltnis zu Platon, Berlin, 1908, pp. 60 ff.
Plato, Republic, Book 6, section 500d (search)
HMIOURGO/N. Cf. also 1275 b 29 with Newman, Introd. Aristot.Pol. p. 229. Cf. 395 CDHMIOURGOU\S E)LEUQERI/AS, Theages 125 ADHMIOURGO\N . . . TH=S SOFI/AS. of sobriety and justice and all forms of ordinary civic virtueCf. Laws 968 APRO\S TAI=S DHMOSI/AIS A)RETAI=S, Phaedo 82 A and supra, Vol. I. on 430 C. Brochard, “La Morale de Platon,”L’Année Philosophique, xvi. (1905) p. 12 “La justice est appelée une vertu populaire.” This is a little misleading, if he means that justice itself is “une vertu populaire.”?” “By no means,” he said. “But if the
Plato, Republic, Book 6, section 505b (search)
KALOU=, and on 329 A-B. There is no contradiction here with the Philebus. Plato does not himself say that either pleasure or knowledge is the good. to be the good, and the finerKOMYOTE/ROIS is very slightly if at all ironical here. Cf. the American “sophisticated” in recent use. See too Theaet. 156 A, Aristot.Eth. Nic 1905 a 18OI( XARI/ENTES. spirits intelligence or knowledge.Plato does not distinguish synonyms in the style of Prodicus (Cf. Protag. 337 A ff.) and Aristotle (Cf. Eth. Nic. 1140-1141) when the distinction is irrelevant to his purpose.” “Certainly.” “And you are also aware, my friend, that those who hold this
Plato, Republic, Book 7, section 535e (search)
in precisely the same way the soul that hates the voluntary lie and is troubled by it in its own self and greatly angered by it in others, but cheerfully accepts the involuntary falsehoodCf. 382 A-B-C. and is not distressed when convicted of lack of knowledge, but wallows in the mud of ignorance as insensitively as a pig.Cf. Laws 819 D, Rep. 372 D, Politicus 266 C, and my note in Class. Phil. xii. (1917) pp. 308-310. Cf. too the proverbial U(=S GNOI/H, Laches 196 D and Rivals 134 A; and Apelt's emendation of Cratyl. 393 C, Progr. Jena, 1905, p. 19.
Plato, Republic, Book 8, section 566e (search)
promise many things in private and public, and having freed men from debts, and distributed lands to the people and his own associates, he affects a gracious and gentle manner to all?” “Necessarily,” he said. “But when, I suppose, he has come to terms with some of his exiled enemiesNot “foreign enemies” as almost all render it. Cf. my note on this passage in Class. Rev. xix. (1905) pp. 438-439, 573 B E)/CW W)QEI=, Theognis 56, Thuc. iv. 66 and viii. 64. and has got others destroyed and is no longer disturbed by them, in the first place he is always stirring up some warCf. Polit. 308 A, and in modern times the case of Napoleon. so that the people may be in need of a leader.” “That is likely.”
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background, Antony and Cleopatra, chapter 12 (search)
as and Charmian, whom Plutarch barely mentions till he tells of their heroic death. In the drama they are introduced at first as the products of a life from which all modesty is banished by reckless luxury and smart frivolity. Their conversation in the second scene serves to show the unabashed protervitas that has infected souls capable of high loyalty and devotion.If the ideas were in Shakespeare's mind that Professor Zielinski of St. Petersburg attributes to him (Marginalien Philologus, 1905), the gracelessness of Charmian passes all bounds. (Die) muntre Zofe wiinscht sich vom Wahrsager allerhand schöne Sachen: lass mich an einem Nachmittag drei Könige heiraten, und sie alle als Wittwe überleben; lass mich mit fünfzig Jahren ein Kind haben, dem Herodes von Judaea huldigen soll: lass mich Octavius Caesar heiraten, etc. Das Püppchen dachte sich Shakespeare jünger als ihre Herrin: fünfzig würde sie also-urn Christi Geburt. Ist es nun klar, was das fir ein Kind ist, dem Herodes von
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background, Coriolanus, chapter 18 (search)
fierce and terrible Only in strokes; but, with thy grim looks, and The thunder-like percussion of thy sounds, Thou madest thine enemies shake, as if the world Were feverous and did tremble. (I. iv. 56.) Occasionally even mistakes in North's text or marginal notes, or in Shakespeare's interpretation or recollection of what he had read, have passed into the play. Thus it has been shownBy Büttner, Zu Coriolan und seiner Quelle (Jhrbch. der D.-Sh. Gesellschaft, Bd. xli. 1905). that North, owing to.a small typographical error in the French, misunderstood the scope of Cominius' offer to Marcius. Amyot says: Et en fin lui dit, que de tous les cheveaux prisonniers, et autres biens qui avoient esté pris et gaignés en grande quantité, il en choisist dix de chaque sorte à sa volonté, avant que rien en fust distributé, ni desparti aux autres. There should be a comma after cheveaux, as appears on reference to the Greek,pollw=n xrhma/twn kai\ i(/ppwn gegono/twn ai)xm
M. W. MacCallum, Shakespeare's Roman Plays and their Background, part app. e, chapter 1 (search)
Professor Th. Zielinski of St. Petersburg suggests a peculiar interpretation of this passage in his Marginalien (Philologus, N.F., Band xviii. 1905). He starts from the assertion that Shakespeare had in his mind Ovid's Epistle from Dido (Heroid. vii.) when he composed the parting scene between Antony and Cleopatra. This statement is neither self-evident nor initially probable. Shakespeare was no doubt acquainted with portions of Ovid both in the original and in translation, but there is not much indication that his knowledge extended to the Heroides. Mr. Churton Collins, indeed, in his plea for Shakespeare's familiarity with Latin, calls attention to the well-known pair of quotations from these poems, the one in 3 Henry VI., the other in the Taming of the Shrew. But though Mr. Collins makes good his general contention, he hardly strengthens it with these examples: for Shakespeare's share in both plays is so uncertain that no definite inference can be drawn from them. Apart f
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