hide Matching Documents

The documents where this entity occurs most often are shown below. Click on a document to open it.

Document Max. Freq Min. Freq
Diodorus Siculus, Library 12 12 Browse Search
Knight's Mechanical Encyclopedia (ed. Knight) 1 1 Browse Search
View all matching documents...

Browsing named entities in Diodorus Siculus, Library. You can also browse the collection for 1958 AD or search for 1958 AD in all documents.

Your search returned 12 results in 11 document sections:

1 2
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVI, Chapter 69 (search)
fore invaded Illyria with a large force, devasted the countryside, captured many towns, and returned to Macedonia laden with booty.This campaign may be the one referred to below, chap. 93.6. The narrative of Philip's activities is continued from chap. 60. Then he marched into Thessaly, and by expelling tyrants from the cities won over the Thessalians through gratitude. With them as his allies, he expected that the Greeks too would easily be won over also to his favour; and that is just what happened. The neighbouring Greeks straightway associated themselves with the decision of the Thessalians and became his enthusiastic allies.This operation continued earlier movements of Philip in Thessaly (chaps. 35.1; 38.1; 52.9). For Philip's relations with the tyrants of Pherae cp. H. D. Westlake, Thessaly in the Fourth Century B.C. (1935), 191-193; Marta Sordi, La Lega Tessala fino al Alessandro Magno (1958), 275-293.
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVI, Chapter 83 (search)
So, having established peaceful conditions everywhere throughout Sicily, he caused the cities to experience a vast growth of prosperity.Nepos Timoleon 3.1-2. These observations are probably Diodorus's own, based on his personal experience and knowledge. Note the reference to his city, Agyrium, in chap. 83.3. Kokalos, 4 (1958) is devoted exclusively to articles concerned with the effect of Timoleon on Sicily. For many years, because of domestic troubles and border wars, and still more because of the numbers of tyrants who kept constantly appearing, the cities had become destitute of inhabitants and the open country had become a wilderness for lack of cultivation, producing no useful crops. But now new settlers streamed into the land in great numbers, and as a long period of peace set in, the fields were reclaimed for cultivation and bore abundant crops of all sorts. These the Siceliot Greeks sold to merchants at good prices and rapidl
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 18 (search)
h his own personal fighting ability and won a resounding victory. But this did not take place till a few days later. Meanwhile, the Persian satraps and generals had not acted in time to prevent the crossing of the Macedonians,The battle of the Granicus is described by Justin 11.6.8-13, Plut. Alexander 16, and Arrian. 1.12.6-16.7. A good analysis of this and Alexander's other battles is given by Major General J. F. C. Fuller, The Generalship of Alexander the Great (1958). but they mustered their forces and took counsel how to oppose Alexander. Memnon, the Rhodian, famed for his military competence, advocated a policy of not fighting a pitched battle, but of stripping the countryside and through the shortage of supplies preventing the Macedonians from advancing further, while at the same time they sent naval and land forces across to Macedonia and transferred the impact of war to Europe.Arrian. 1.12.9. This was the best counsel, as af
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 28 (search)
ere, Diodorus uses the term petra for the abrupt and isolated rocky hills which are not uncommon in Asia, and which made excellent fortresses. This story is not otherwise reported. Freya Stark (Journal of Hellenistic Studies, 78 (1958), 116; cp. Alexander's Path (1958), 250 f.) identifies this place with Chandir in Pamphylia.Appian Bell. Civ. 4.10.80 tells the same story of Xanthus, traditionally destroyed in this way three times (Hdt. 1.176; Plut. Brutus 31, and it was s1958), 250 f.) identifies this place with Chandir in Pamphylia.Appian Bell. Civ. 4.10.80 tells the same story of Xanthus, traditionally destroyed in this way three times (Hdt. 1.176; Plut. Brutus 31, and it was something of a literary topos (also Diodorus, Book 18.22.4-7; Strabo 14.5.7. Strabo (Strabo 14.3.9) remarks that this destruction was necessary to open the passes. of unusual strength inhabited by people named Marmares. As Alexander marched by, these people attacked the Macedonian rear guard and killed many, carrying off as booty numerous men and pack animals. The king was enraged at this, established a siege, and exerted every effort to take the place by force. The Mar
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 40 (search)
med rich sacrifices to the gods and rewarded those who had borne themselves well in battle with gifts appropriate to each, and rested the army for some days. Then he marched on towards Egypt, and as he came into Phoenicia, received the submission of all the other cities, for their inhabitants accepted him willingly.At Tyre, however, when the king wished to sacrifice to the Tyrian Heracles,For this Heracles cp. B. C. Brundage, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, 17 (1958), 225-236. The siege of Tyre is described by Curtius 4.2.1-4.18; Justin 11.10.10-14; Plut. Alexander 24.2-25.2; Arrian 2.16-24). It was the time of the great annual festival of the god (Curtius 4.2.10), and the Tyrians may have felt that to allow Alexander to sacrifice at that time would have meant acknowledging his sovereignty. the people overhastily barred him from entering the city; Alexander became angry and threatened to resort to force, but the Tyrians cheerfully faced
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 46 (search)
and tied him to his base, calling him an *)alecandristh/s. He carried out magnificent sacrifices to Heracles, rewarded those of his men who had distinguished themselves, and gave a lavish funeral for his own dead. He installed as king of Tyre a man named Ballonymus,Presumably the correct form of the name, Abdalonymus, is preserved in Curtius 4.1.15-26 and Justin 11.10.8, and it is a proper Phoenician nomenclature, with the meaning "Servant of the gods." Some have wished to see this king as the owner of the Alexander Sarcophagus from Sidon, now in Istanbul; cp., e.g., I. Kleemann, Der Satrapen-Sarkophag aus Sidon (1958), pp. 28 f. In any case, the mention of King Straton shows that the incident occurred in Sidon, not in Tyre. Plut. De Fortuna aut Virtute Alexandri 2.8.340c-e, locates it in Paphos (rendering the name Aralynomus). the story of whose career I cannot omit because it is an example of a quite astonishing reversal of fortune.
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 66 (search)
addition there were nine thousand talents of minted gold in the form of darics.Justin 11.14.9 and Plut. Alexander 36.1: coined money) give the same figure as Diodorus; Curtius 5.2.11 and Arrian. 3.16.7 give 50,000 talents. The daric was the standard Persian gold coin with an image of the king on one side depicted as an archer. The name was popularly derived from that of Dareius I, who first minted them (cp. E. S. G. Robinson, Numismatic Chronicle, 18, 1958, 187-193). A curious thing happened to the king when he was shown the precious objects. He seated himself upon the royal throne, which was larger than the proportions of his body.The story is told also by Curtius 5.2.13-15, but without the moral tone that is striking here. It is well known that the throne was a symbol of divinity in the Orient, and that a king's clothing, bed, and throne were affected with royal and divine mana. Cp. S. Eitrem, Symbolae O
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 75 (search)
profusion of everything contributing to pleasure, so he rested his army there for some days. Then, advancing one hundred and fifty furlongs, he encamped near a huge rockCp. on chap. 28.1, note.; under its base there was a marvellous cave from which flowed a great river known as the Stiboeites.Curtius 6.4.3-7. The spring is identified as the modern Chesmeh-i-Ali about fifteen miles north-west of Hecatompylus; cp. P. Pédech, Revue des Études Anciennes, 60 (1958), 67-81. This tumbles out with a rapid current for a distance of three furlongs, and then divides into two courses on either side of a breast-shaped "rock," beneath which there is a vast cavern. Into this the river plunges with a great roar, foaming from its clash against the rock. After flowing underground a distance of three hundred furlongs, it again breaks its way to the surface.Curtius 6.4.4-5 gives the same figures. Alexander entered Hyrcania with his army
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 105 (search)
er necessities.Curtius 9.10.17; Plut. Alexander 66.3. Arrian does not mention this, and all of these districts are so far from Carmania that they can hardly have sent help in time to be of any use. This tradition may be connected with the subsequent execution or removal of the satraps of Gedrosia, Susiane, and Paraetacene as evidence for Alexander's attempt to find scapegoats for his ill-planned march through the desert (E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 147-150). These messengers hurried to the satraps of these provinces and caused supplies to be transported in large quantities to the specified place. Alexander lost many of his soldiers, nevertheless, first because of shortages that were not relieved, and then at a later stage of this march, when some of the Oreitae attacked Leonnatus's division and inflicted severe losses, after which they escaped to their own territory.Curtius 9.10.19. Leonnatus was later crowned
Diodorus Siculus, Library, Book XVII, Chapter 106 (search)
comus, feasting and drinking as he travelled.This was in Carmania. Curtius 9.10.22-28 gives a lurid account of this celebration; so also Plut. Alexander 67.1-3. Arrian. 6.28.1-2 states that this story was not told by Ptolemy or Aristobulus, and that he himself did not believe it. It may be connected, however, with the tradition of dramatic and athletic games held at this time in celebration of the safe return of both army and fleet (E. Badian, Classical Quarterly, 52 (1958), 152). But both Philip (Book 16.87.1) and Alexander (chap. 72.5) were fond of the comus in general. After this celebration was over, Alexander learned that many of his officials who had used their powers arbitrarily and selfishly had committed serious offences, and he punished a number of his satraps and generals.For Alexander's disciplinary measures at this time cp. Curtius 9.10.20-21; 10.1.1-9, 30-42; Justin 12.10.8; Plut. Alexander 68.2-3; Arrian 27.1-5; 2
1 2