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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 1: re-formation and Reanimation.—1841. (search)
d have sanctioned with alacrity. His inaugural address, with its sophistical argument for the limitation Lib. 11.43. of the powers of Congress over slavery in the District, had been preceded by a speech at Richmond repudiating, Lib. 11.46. as a native Virginian, the slightest sympathy with abolitionism. Tyler's message, on the other hand, made no Lib. 11.62. allusion to the subject. In the confusion caused by an extra session of Congress, the gag-rule was momentarily relaxed, and John Quincy Adams improved the Lib. 11.97, 98, 102, 106, 125. opportunity to reopen his inexhaustible budget of anti-slavery petitions. At the regular session in December a new Lib. 11.206. gag-rule was promptly applied. Meanwhile, two incidents showed unmistakably the Southern purpose to make pro-slavery and national (or Federal) synonymous terms. One was the reluctance of the Senate, till the North showed its teeth, to confirm Edward Everett's Lib. 11.146, 149, 150, 154. nomination to the court
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
s and Vermont; and (amid immense applause) returned thanks to John Quincy Adams for his bold and indefatigable advocacy of the right of petit resolved into a national Anti-Slavery Debating Society, with John Quincy Adams as leader Lib. 12.31.; the petitions of his presenting being ourse of another section, without any adequate return. Moreover, Mr. Adams moved the reference of the petition to a committee with instructial therefore of this tremendous ratiocination was Lib. 12.18. that Adams ought to be expelled; but rather let the House censure him most sevrshall, in remarks of the same calibre with his resolutions, that Mr. Adams had asked for a committee to report against the petition for disuh on Foot's resolution, Jan. 26, 1830. The Southern colleagues of Mr. Adams on the Committee on Foreign Affairs, of which he was chairman, wiLib. 12: 69, 75; and pp. 117-124 of Buell's Life of Giddings ). J. Q. Adams would have voted against Giddings's first and second resolutions
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 3: the covenant with death.1843. (search)
lve the Union, and Lib. 14.21, 27. so did the General Assembly of Virginia in a counter memorial, which was promptly printed by the Senate. Lib. 14.42. John Quincy Adams, in conjunction with Giddings, Slade, Gates, Borden, and Hiland Hall, had, earlier in the year, issued an address to the people of the free States, Lib. 13. determination would not be to dissolve the Union, but to refuse to submit to its dissolution—not to nullify, but to resist nullification (Lib. 14: 170). And John Quincy Adams, in an address at North Bridgewater, Nov. 6, 1844, held this language: The hero [Andrew Jackson, Lib. 14: 181] enquires, who but a traitor to his country cousts had root, and which would Lib. 15.82. wither away before the glare of the Slave Power. But it may be noticed here that the group of anti-slavery Whigs led by Adams, who were content with the Union as it had been formed, and even as it had been altered by the admission of fresh slave States, but drew the line at Texas, did not
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!1844. (search)
trol and use them, it will do all in its power to thwart them and destroy their effect. John Quincy Adams occupied a good deal of time, Videlicet, as a topic, not in person. and D. L. Child made hild himself, in a letter to the Standard, confessed the weight of Mr. Garrison's arraignment of Adams (Lib. 14: 26). One of the most remarkable proofs of the profligacy of the Third Party is the adoelonging to their party, and especially aim their blows at the Whigs and friends of Clay. Now Mr. Adams is a Whig, a supporter of Clay, a repudiator of Liberty Party, rejects Immediate Emancipation the Liberty Party! The real head (or figure-head) of that party, J. G. Birney, having exposed Adams's erratic course on the subject of slavery, Leavitt expressly dissented from his chief (Lib. 14:, 102. extraordinary appeal from the Senate, rejecting his treaty, to the House, for which John Quincy Adams would have had Lib. 14.98. him impeached, as endeavoring to declare a foreign war without
t haste, considering the nearness of his successor in office; the Mexican minister at the capital Lib. 15.43, 54. withdrew; the new President, Polk, made his disposition of forces by land and sea to deter Mexico from asserting in Lib. 15.197. arms her claims to the territory of Texas, and at the same time began to negotiate for the purchase of California. When Congress assembled, the House was in no humor Lib. 15:[202]. to entertain memorials against the admission of Texas, nor was John Quincy Adams disposed to struggle against a foregone conclusion. Stephen A. Douglas's resolution to admit Texas was promptly passed by a majority of five Lib. 15.206. to two, and the Senate confirmed it (on Forefathers' Day) Dec. 22, 1845; Lib. 16.2. by a majority of nearly three to one. The year closed amid general despondency at the North in all anti-slavery breasts except those of the abolitionists. Apparently, Ms. Mar. 1, 1845. wrote Mr. Garrison to Richard Webb, with reference to annexat
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 6: third mission to England.—1846. (search)
ting Briggs, nor did Robert C. Winthrop's acceptance of the Ante, p. 139. war afford a sufficient handle to the Conscience Whigs (as Ms. Sept. 30, 1846, F. Jackson to W. L. G. Charles Francis Adams denominated those who were not Cotton Whigs) to deprive him of a renomination. The Cotton Whigs swept the State. One heard Daniel Webster proclaim in Faneuil Hall: I am for the Constitution as our fathers left it to us, and standing by it and dying by it. Lib. 16.182. But also one heard John Quincy Adams, from his home in Quincy, deny that there was anything left to Lib. 16.194. stand by: The Constitution of the United States—stat magni nominis umbra. This quotation, said the editor of the Liberator, indicates pretty clearly the position and Lib. 16.194. feelings of this venerable statesman in regard to the American Union. . . . Then if it be only a shadow that is left to us, it is at best but a mockery, and ought not to be treated as a reality. . . . Let Daniel Webster, the greates
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
laveholding gave no offence to the country at large. The Congressional debates of the year, touching every aspect of the slavery question, had vastly assisted their labors in moulding public sentiment. Their preeminent ally in that arena, John Quincy Adams, had, indeed, Feb. 23, 1848; Lib. 18.35, 40. been taken away by death; but his place had been more than made good by Giddings, Palfrey, and Hale, as could be measured by their action to rid the District of slavery Lib. 18.69, 73, 77, 119,t on record his deliberate judgment of the ex-President, but he chose rather to refer his readers to Theodore Parker's sermon upon him, tempering its excessive praise of his anti-slavery career by the nice, but absolutely just, qualification—In Mr. Adams, the slave never had a champion. Lib. 18.93. Chance, not long after, gave him an opportunity to revise his opinion of Dr. Channing. He read with great interest, and with much admiration for the execution of Lib. 18.82. the work, William
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
ch endeavors would inevitably render it—should this be attempted, I know nothing, even in the Constitution or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered by the explosion which might follow. But how consistently he had dodged every opportunity Ante, 2.247. in Congress to make himself the spokesman of that muchdesired North, or the protector of that respectable religious feeling when it was regularly coerced into silence in both Houses! What word or act of his in support of John Quincy Adams since 1830 could be cited— what to vindicate the right of petition? How did he resent the expulsion of Massachusetts from the Federal Ante, p. 130. courts in South Carolina in the person of Samuel Hoar? See, for a partial answer, his fulsome flattery of Charleston for its hospitality, and—risum teneatis?—as the home of the oppressed, during his visit to that city in May, 1847 (Webster's Works, 2: 371-388). As the real stake of the Compromise game was the Fugitive Slave Law,
ty to wind, And call her hosts beneath the breaking light,— The keen reveille of her morn of fight,— Is but the hoarse note of the bloodhound's baying, The wolf's long howl behind the bondman's flight! O for the tongue of him who lies at rest J. Q. Adams. In Quincy's shade of patrimonial trees,— Last of the Puritan tribunes and the best,— To lend a voice to Freedom's sympathies, And hail the coming of the noblest guest The Old World's wrong has given the New World of the West! Who should addition of nine new slave States to the original six—the purchase and conquest of Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and other Mexican territory, for slaveholding purposes—and by the glaring fact that, for the last sixty years (in the language of John Quincy ADAMS From a powerful passage on the pro-slavery compromises of the Constitution, kept standing at the head of the Liberator.), the preservation, Propagation, and perpetuation of slavery has been the vital and animating principle of the N
and endorsers. To a great extent, they are the victims of a horribly false state of society in Missouri, and no doubt fearfully depraved; yet they are not beasts, nor to be treated as beasts. Convince us that it is right to shoot anybody, and our perplexity would be to know where to begin— whom first to despatch, as opportunity might offer. We should have to make clean work of the President and his Cabinet— Douglas, Atchison, Stringfellow, Toombs, Wise, and their associates—Doctors Lord, Adams, Spring, Fuller, and others of the same cloth—Judges Loring, Kane, Grier, and Slave Commissioners generally—the conductors of such papers as the New York Journal of Commerce, Observer, Express, Herald, and the Satanic press universally. These are the intelligent, responsible, and colossal conspirators against the liberty, peace, happiness, and safety of the republic, whose guilt cannot easily be exaggerated. Against their treasonable course our moral indignation burns like fire, though
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