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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 311 5 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 8 100 0 Browse Search
Benjamin Cutter, William R. Cutter, History of the town of Arlington, Massachusetts, ormerly the second precinct in Cambridge, or District of Menotomy, afterward the town of West Cambridge. 1635-1879 with a genealogical register of the inhabitants of the precinct. 94 8 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 10 74 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 6, 10th edition. 68 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 54 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 44 0 Browse Search
George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition. 44 0 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 1, Colonial and Revolutionary Literature: Early National Literature: Part I (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 41 3 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 2 38 6 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. You can also browse the collection for John Adams or search for John Adams in all documents.

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. I am fully of the Farmer's sentiments, said he; violence and submission would at this time be equally fatal; but he exerted himself the more to promote the immediate suspension of commerce. The legislature of Massachusetts, on the last Wednesday of May, organised the government for the year by the usual election of councillors; of these, the governor negatived the unparalleled number of thirteen, among them James Bowdoin, Samuel Dex Chap. II.} 1774. May. ter, William Phillips, and John Adams, than whom the province could not show purer or abler men. The desire of the assembly that he would appoint a fast was refused; for, said he to Dartmouth, the request was only to give an opportunity for sedition to flow from the pulpit. On Saturday, the twentyeighth, Samuel Adams was on the point of proposing a general congress, when the assembly was unexpectedly prorogued, to meet after ten days, at Salem. The people of Boston, then the most flourishing commercial town on the continen
phia, where there was no army to interrupt its sessions. Bowdoin, who, however, proved unable to attend, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Cushing, and Robert Treat Paine were chosen delegates. To defray their expenses, a tax of five hundred pounds was app the town meeting in Faneuil Hall, was greater than the room would hold. Samuel Adams was not missed, for his kinsman, John Adams, was elected moderator. When he had taken the chair, the friends Chap. IV.} 1774. June. to the scheme of indemnifyif the proposition. The blockade, the fleets, the army, could not bring out a symptom of compliance. A month before, John Adams had said, I have very little connection with public affairs, and I hope to have less. For many years he had refused tosystem; and her power is irresistible. That very determination of Great Britain in her system, determines mine, answered Adams; swim or sink, live or die, survive or perish with my country, is my unalterable determination. The White Mountains on t
gland ministers, for the sake of promoting liberty, preached a toleration for any immoralities; that Hancock's bills, to a large amount, had been dishonored. He had himself given close attention to the appointments to office in Massa- Chap. V.} 1774. July. chusetts. He knew something of the political opinions even of the Boston ministers, not of Chauncy and Cooper only, but also of Pemberton, whom, as a friend to government, he esteemed a very good man, though a dissenter. The name of John Adams, who had only in June commenced his active public career, had not yet been heard in the palace which he was so soon to enter as the minister of a republic. Of Cushing, he estimated the importance too highly. Aware of the controlling power of Samuel Adams, he asked, What gives him his influence? and Hutchinson answered, A great pretended zeal for liberty, and a most inflexible natural temper. He was the first who asserted the independency of the colonies upon the supreme authority of th
mechanics, it was accepted by a great majority. The names of the members were then called over, and Patrick Henry, Washington, Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Jay, Gadsden, John Rutledge of South Carolina, the aged Hopkins of Rhode Island, and others, representing eleven colonies, answered to the call. Peyton Randoly to weigh as much in the councils of America as a great one. A little colony, observed Sullivan of New Hampshire, has its all at stake as well as a great one. John Adams admitted that the vote by colonies was unequal, yet that an opposite course would lead to perplexing controversy, for there were no authentic records of the numnry, and Randolph, and Lee, and Jay, and Rutledge, and Gadsden; and by their side Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the Livingstons, Sherman, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and others of Chap. XI.} 1774. Sept. New England, who believed that a rude soldiery were then infesting the dwellings and taking the lives of their friends.
vince, even to Falmouth, and beyond it, shared the sorrows of Boston, and cheered its inhabitants in their sufferings. This much injured town, said the wife of John Adams, like the body of a departed friend, has only put off its present glory, to rise finally to a more happy state. Nor did its citizens despair. Its newly electeer of taxation; others, its power of internal taxation only. These discussions were drawn into great length, and seemed to promise no agreement; till, at last, John Adams was persuaded to shape a compromise in the spirit and very nearly in the words of Duane. His resolution ran thus: From the necessity of the case, and a regard ss harbored no desire but of reconciliation. I would have given every thing I possessed for a restoration to the state of things before the contest began; said John Adams at a later day. His resolution accepted that badge of servitude, the British colonial system. During these discussions, Galloway, of Pennsylvania, in secret co
itself in the committee was renewed. Here, said Ward of Rhode Island, no acts of parliament can bind. Giving up this point is yielding all. Against him spoke John Adams and Duane. A right, said Lynch of Carolina, to bind us in one case may imply a right to bind us in all; but we are bound in none. The resolution of concession was at first arrested by the vote of five colonies against five, with Massachusetts and Rhode Island divided, but at last was carried by the influence of John Adams. Duane desired next to strike the Quebec act from the list of grievances; but of all the bad acts of parliament Richard Henry Lee pronounced it the worst. His opini of the country would at least distress British commerce enough to bring the government to reflection. But since their efforts to avert civil war might fail, John Adams expressed his anxiety to see New England provided with money and military stores. Ward, of Rhode Island, regarded America as the rising power that was to light
me towns; that the Canadians and savages would prey upon the back settlements, so that a regular army could devastate the land like a whirlwind; that the colonies never would unite, and New England, perhaps even Massachusetts, would be left to fall alone; that even in Massachusetts thousands among the men of property and others, would flock, to the royal standard, while the province would be drenched in the blood of rebels. The appeal of Leonard was read with triumph by the tories. But John Adams, kindling with indignation at his dastardly menaces and mode of reasoning, entered the lists as the champion of American freedom; employing the fruits of his long study of the British law, the constitution, and of natural right, and expressing the true sentiments of New England. My friends: Human nature itself is evermore an advocate for liberty. The people can understand and feel the difference between true and false, right and wrong, virtue and vice. To the sense of this differen
era on mankind. The humble trainbands at Concord acted, and God was with them. I never heard from any person the least expression of a wish for a separation, Franklin, not long before, had said to Chatham. In October, 1774, Washington wrote, No such thing as independence is desired by any thinking man in America. Before the nineteenth of April, 1775, relates Jefferson, I never had heard a whisper of a disposition to separate from Great Britain. Just thirtyseven days had passed, since John Adams in Boston published to the world: That there are any who pant after independence, is the greatest slander on the province. The American revolution did not proceed from precarious intentions. It grew out of the soul of the people, and was an inevitable result of a living affection for freedom, which actuated harmonious effort as certainly as the beating of the heart sends warmth and color and beauty to the system. The rustic heroes of that hour obeyed the simplest, the highest, and the
The second continental congress. May, 1775. few hours after the surrender of Ticonderoga, Chap. XXXIV} 1775. May 10. the second continental congress met at Philadelphia. There among the delegates, appeared Franklin and Samuel Adams; John Adams, and Washington, and Richard Henry Lee; soon joined by Patrick Henry, and by George Clinton, Jay, and Jay's college friend, the younger Robert R. Livingston, of New York. Whom did they represent? and what were their functions? They were coon of independence. They are in rebellion, said Edmund Burke; and have done so much as to necessitate them to do a great deal more. Independence had long been the desire of Samuel Adams, and was already the reluctant choice of Franklin, and of John Adams, from a conviction that it could not ultimately be avoided. But its immediate declaration was not possible. American law was the growth of necessity, not of the wisdom of individuals. It was not an acquisition from abroad; it was begotten fr
mpting to secure the hay on Grape Island. Three alarm guns were fired; the drums beat to arms; the bells of Weymouth and Braintree were set a ringing; and the men of Weymouth, and Braintree, and Hingham, and of other places, to the number of two thousand, swarmed to the sea side. Warren, ever the bravest among the brave, ever present where there was danger, came also. After some delay, a lighter and a sloop were obtained; and the Americans eagerly jumped on board. The younger brother of John Adams was one of the first to push off and land on the island. The English retreated, while the Americans set fire to the hay. On the twenty-fifth of May, Howe, Clinton, May 25. and Burgoyne, arrived with reinforcements. They brought their angling rods, and they found themselves pent up in a narrow peninsula; they had believed themselves sure of taking possession of a continent with a welcome from the great body of the people, and they had no reception but as enemies, Chap. XXXV.} 1775.
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