Browsing named entities in George Bancroft, History of the United States from the Discovery of the American Continent, Vol. 7, 4th edition.. You can also browse the collection for Samuel Adams or search for Samuel Adams in all documents.

Your search returned 48 results in 21 document sections:

1 2 3
mankind. In their dark hour light broke upon them from their own truth and courage. Placing Samuel Adams at their nead, and guided by a report prepared by Joseph Warren of Boston, Gardner of Cambrimanderin-chief for the continent, as well as the civil authority of governor in the province, Samuel Adams presided over a very numerous town meeting, which was attended by many that had hitherto keptssion, and measures were put in train for their relief. Then the inhabitants, by the hand of Samuel Adams, made their touching appeal to all the sister colonies, promising to suffer for America with re hourly expected. His instructions enjoined upon him the seizure and condign punishment of Samuel Adams, Hancock, Joseph Warren, and other leading patriots; but he stood in such dread of them that that of routing at once the insignificant number of troops who had come to overawe them. But Samuel Adams, while he compared their spirit to that of Sparta or Rome, was ever inculcating patience as t
iladelphia, would embrace the same mode of peaceful resistance. The letter which soon arrived from that city, and which required the people of Massachusetts to retreat from their advanced position, was therefore received with impatience. But Samuel Adams suppressed all murmurs. I am fully of the Farmer's sentiments, said he; violence and submission would at this time be equally fatal; but he exerted himself the more to promote the immediate suspension of commerce. The legislature of Massacould not show purer or abler men. The desire of the assembly that he would appoint a fast was refused; for, said he to Dartmouth, the request was only to give an opportunity for sedition to flow from the pulpit. On Saturday, the twentyeighth, Samuel Adams was on the point of proposing a general congress, when the assembly was unexpectedly prorogued, to meet after ten days, at Salem. The people of Boston, then the most flourishing commercial town on the continent, never regretted their being
war, a domestic convention of the people for their own internal regulation, an annual congress of all Chap. III.} 1774. May. the colonies for the perpetual assertion of common rights, were the policy of Virginia. When the report of her measures reached England, the king's ministers were startled by their significance; and called to mind how often she had been the model for other colonies. Her influence continued undiminished; and her system was promptly adopted by the people of North Carolina. Lord North had no expectation that we should be thus sustained, said Samuel Adams; he trusted that Boston would be left to fall alone. But the love of liberty in America did not flash like electricity on the surface; it penetrated the mass with magnetic energy. The port-act had been received son the tenth of May; and in three weeks, less time than was taken by the unanimous British parliament for its enactment, the continent, as one great commonwealth, made the cause of Boston its own.
nfirmed by the opinions of Burke and of Franklin. From the committee room in Faneuil Hall, Samuel Adams hastened to the general assembly, whose first act at Salem was a protest against the arbitrarude, honesty, and foresight of Boston, a town meeting was called for the following Friday. Samuel Adams received a summons to come and guide its debates; but a higher duty kept him at Salem. The lf nine appeared so tame, that Leonard returned to Taunton on business as a lawyer. Meantime, Samuel Adams had on one evening secretly consulted four or five of his colleagues; on another a larger numthere was no army to interrupt its sessions. Bowdoin, who, however, proved unable to attend, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Cushing, and Robert Treat Paine were chosen delegates. To defray their expensessame day thronged to the town meeting in Faneuil Hall, was greater than the room would hold. Samuel Adams was not missed, for his kinsman, John Adams, was elected moderator. When he had taken the c
chosen as the object of cavil. New York had superseded the old committee by a more moderate one; it was proposed that Boston should do the same. The patriot, Samuel Adams, finding himself not only prnscribed by the king, but on trial in a Boston town Chap. V.} 1774. June. meeting, left the chair, and took his place on the floifth and thirty-eighth. Arrests, it was confidently reported, were now to be made. In this moment of greatest danger, the Boston committee of correspondence, Samuel Adams, the two Greenleafs, Molyneux, Warren and others being present, considered the rumor that some of them were to be taken up, and voted unanimously that they wouthe palace which he was so soon to enter as the minister of a republic. Of Cushing, he estimated the importance too highly. Aware of the controlling power of Samuel Adams, he asked, What gives him his influence? and Hutchinson answered, A great pretended zeal for liberty, and a most inflexible natural temper. He was the first
first time to the new act of parliament. The day was to decide whether Massachusetts would submit to the regulating act; and Gage, who thought it might be necessary for a part of his army to escort the judges in their circuit as far as Worcester, anticipated no opposition to organizing the court in the heart of the garrisoned town. But neither he nor his employers had computed the power of resistance in a community where the great mass is inflamed with love for a sacred cause. Before Samuel Adams departed, he had concerted the measures by which Suffolk county would be best able to bring the wrongs of the town and the province before the general congress; and he left the direction with Warren, whose impetuous fearlessness Chap. IX.} 1774. Aug. was tempered by self-possession, gentleness, and good sense, and who had reluctantly become convinced that all connection with the British parliament must be thrown off. On the sixteenth of August a county congress of the towns of Suffolk,
doubt that all resistance would be crushed by the Chap. X.} 1774. Sept. massive power of Britain, were silent from fear, or fled to Boston, as their only asylum. Even there they did not feel safe. By the fifth of September Gage had ordered ground to be broken for fortifications on the neck which formed the only entrance by land into Boston. In the evening the selectmen remonstrated, but with no effect. The next day the convention of Suffolk county, which it had been agreed between Samuel Adams and Warren should send a memorial to the general congress, met in Dedham. Every town and district was represented; and their grand business was referred to a committee, of which Warren was the chairman. While their report was preparing, the day came for holding the county assize at Worcester. On that morning the main street of the town was occupied on each side by about five thousand men, arranged under their leaders in companies, six deep, and extending for a quarter of a mile. Thr
y a great majority. The names of the members were then called over, and Patrick Henry, Washington, Richard Henry Lee, Samuel Adams, John Adams, Jay, Gadsden, John Rutledge of South Carolina, the aged Hopkins of Rhode Island, and others, representingith prayer, Jay and Rutledge objected, on account of the great diversity of religious sentiments. I am no bigot, said Samuel Adams, the Congregationalist; I can hear a prayer from a man of piety and virtue, who is at the same time a friend to his coand Jay, and Rutledge, and Gadsden; and by their side Presbyterians and Congregationalists, the Livingstons, Sherman, Samuel Adams, John Adams, and others of Chap. XI.} 1774. Sept. New England, who believed that a rude soldiery were then infesting hat body there was a man who knew how to bring the enthusiasm of the people into connection with its representatives. Samuel Adams, wrote Galloway, though by no means remarkable for brilliant abilities, is equal to most men in popular intrigue, and
ona fide, restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members; excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a Chap. XII.} 1774. Sept. revenue on the subjects in America without their consent. This article was contrary to the principles of Otis at the commencement of the contest; to the repeated declarations of Samuel Adams; to the example of the congress of 1765, which had put aside a similar proposition, when offered by Livingston, of New York. Not one of the committee was fully satisfied with it; yet, as the ablest speaker from Massachusetts was its advocate, the concession was irrevocable. It stands as a monument that the congress harbored no desire but of reconciliation. I would have given every thing I possessed for a restoration to the state of things before the contest began; said John Adams at a
he old relations with Britain, that they cheerfully entered on the experiment, in the hope that the extreme self-denial of the country would at least distress British commerce enough to bring the government to reflection. But since their efforts to avert civil war might fail, John Adams expressed his anxiety to see New England provided with money and military stores. Ward, of Rhode Island, regarded America as the rising power that was to light all the nations of the earth to freedom. Samuel Adams urged his friends incessantly to study the art of war, and organize resistance; for he would never admit that the danger of a rupture with Britain was a sufficient plea for giving way. I would advise, said he, persisting in our struggle for liberty, though it were revealed from heaven that nine hundred and ninety-nine were to perish, and only one of a thousand to survive and retain his liberty. One such freeman must possess more virtue, and enjoy more happiness, than a thousand slaves; a
1 2 3