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Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 3: Apprenticeship.—1818-1825. (search)
ed their complicity in the maintenance and protection of the accursed institution. While that measure was pending, John Quincy Adams, then Secretary of State, lamented the fatality by which all the most eloquent orators were found on the pro-slavery side. There is, he wrote, a great mass of cool judgment and J. Quincy's Memoir of J. Q. Adams, p. 102. of plain sense on the side of freedom and humanity, but the ardent spirits and passions are on the side of oppression. O! if but one man come from a maturer hand. The controversy had an indirect bearing on the impending Presidential election, in which John Quincy Adams was a candidate, and the Pickering party aimed their darts at the son, therefore, quite as much as at the father. rgely in the minority, was emphasized, and their support of William H. Crawford for the Presidency in opposition to John Quincy Adams was strongly urged; yet while Aristides had much to say in depreciation of the latter, he evidently knew very litt
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 4: editorial Experiments.—1826-1828. (search)
we shall studiously try to avoid—truth, never. The year 1826 was noteworthy as completing the first fifty years of the nation's independence; and the remarkable coincidence of the death of the two ex-Presidents and signers of the Declaration, Adams and Jefferson, on the anniversary day, made a profound impression upon the country. The Free Press, like other papers, devoted much space to particulars of the event, biographical sketches, anecdotes and reminiscences of the deceased statesmen, at merely old age does not with us, as with many others, alter the deeds of manhood, or gild the errors of prejudice. From Mr. Jefferson's political sentiments we have ever differed; but his proud talents could not but command our admiration. Mr. Adams, perhaps, was the greater statesman —Mr. Jefferson, the better philosopher. The former had more caution—the latter more stability. The former was fickle to his friends—the latter firm and unchanging in his attachment. The former ruined his
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 5: Bennington and the Journal of the Times1828-29. (search)
on, Vt., in advocacy of the reelection of President John Quincy Adams, but also begins in it his first warfare in that town in advocacy of the reelection of John Quincy Adams over Andrew Jackson; the Gazette, the existingr to the Jackson party. As Vermont was strongly for Adams, and as Bennington, though in an extreme corner of ttive. Mr. Garrison, while no very warm admirer of Mr. Adams personally, had still a well-founded dread of the the columns of the paper not only the reelection of Adams, but Anti-Slavery, Temperance, Peace, and Moral Refoeths of whom are friendly to the reelection of John Quincy Adams; but their confidence has been abused, their ve heartiness with which he advocated the claims of Mr. Adams, or the vigor with which he denounced General Jackdefeat was urged, if only for that consideration. Mr. Adams's reelection was always assumed and predicted, ande between President Adams and Morse's Life of J. Q. Adams, pp. 217-220. certain prominent Federalists of Bo
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 6: the genius of Universal emancipation.1829-30. (search)
nment for his colony. In 1835 he succeeded in securing a grant of 138,000 acres, on condition that he should bring to it two hundred and fifty settlers with their families, and he returned to the United States to secure these; but the disturbances arising from the lawless Southern invasion of Mexico put an end to his scheme. His journeys had no other result than to make him the best informed man in the country in regard to the Mexican province, and of great assistance subsequently to John Quincy Adams and the other opponents of annexation in Congress. But a greater curse could scarcely befall our country than the annexation of that immense territory to this republic, if the system of slavery should likewise be reestablished there. Other papers took up and echoed the alarm, and joined in the vigorous protest, but the plot against Texas was not yet ripe for accomplishment. The Genius urged the renewed circulation of petitions against slavery in the District of Columbia, though ac
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 8: the Liberator1831. (search)
to seem to him one of the least effective. A dim prefiguring of the axe whose strokes were to make the tree tremble to its crown, is to be found in the first volume of the Liberator. Mr. Garrison had a perfectly just understanding of the pro-slavery guarantees of the United States Constitution, and of the powers of the Federal Government over the institution of slavery. His incessant demand for emancipation in the District of Columbia, which he was amazed that John Quincy Lib. 1.207. Adams, then a member of the House of Representatives, should refuse to countenance; his proposal to agitate Lib. 1.121. for the abrogation of the slave-representation clause of the Constitution; his conviction that the Constitution Lib. 1.66, and passim. had only to be invoked through the Supreme Court to secure the free people of color against the oppressive enactments of the Southern States; his mention, with Lib. 1.34. only moral censure, of the employment of Federal troops to suppress
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 12: American Anti-slavery Society.—1833. (search)
rwards. It was taking off the edge of the allegation. That weakens instead of strengthening it. It raises a Biblical question. It makes the rights of man depend upon a text. Now, it matters not what the Bible may say, so far as these rights are concerned. They never originated in any parchment, are not dependent upon any parchment, but are in the nature of man himself, written upon the human faculties and powers by the finger of God (Speech at 3d Decade [1863] Proceedings, p. 23). John Quincy Adams denied that the allegation was either true or just, in spite of the attempted sanction from Scripture—perhaps because of it ( Memoirs, July 14, 1839). So, the next year, in a letter to a gentleman in Brooklyn: The American Anti-Slavery Society, composed of men not holding a single slave, undertaking to coax and reason five millions of their fellowcitizens into the voluntary surrender of twelve hundred millions of their property, and commencing their discourse to the heart by proclaimin
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 14: the Boston mob (first stage).—1835. (search)
and lay it, like the several petitions, upon the table. The same fate attended petitions afterwards introduced by John Quincy Adams; but the slavery question had come to stay in Congress. The Southern panic was especially caused by the activity a Lib. 5.130. meeting in the same Faneuil Hall that had been denied the abolitionists, and urged that Webster, Otis, Adams, Story, Sprague, Austin, Choate, and Everett should vindicate the fair fame of our city. One thus invited to declare his sentiments against men accused of preparing a civil and servile war in the name of philanthropy, John Quincy Adams, wrote as follows in his diary: August 11, 1835. The theory of the rights of man has taken Memoirs, 9.251. deep root in thurricane excitement of the times, with its special draught towards his own person, might well be excused for not taking Mr. Adams's passionless view of the situation. His first editorial article after his return from the Provinces was entitled The