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Emilio, Luis F., History of the Fifty-Fourth Regiment of Massachusetts Volunteer Infantry , 1863-1865, Roster of the Fifty-Fourth Massachusetts Infantry. (search)
ingle; farmer; Cambridge. 2d Lt 1 Apl 65, must. 17 Jly 65; 1st Lt 17 Jly 65, must. 12 Aug. Discharged 20 Aug 65 ex. term. Other service:—Co. E 12th Vt. 30 Aug 62. Co. H 59th Mass. 21 Apl 64, trsfd 57th Mass. Died 24 Dec 77 Port Henry, N. Y. Second Lieutenants. Wilder, John; 2nd Lieut. —— 1844; —— Cambridge. 2d Lt 9 Feb 63, must. 10 Feb. Discharged 23 Je 63 for promotion. Other service:— Capt 2nd U. S. C. T. 23 Je 63, Lt. Col. 30 Jly 64. Discharged 5 Jan 66 ex. term. Bassett, Almon H. 2nd Lieut. — — — Pittsfield. 2d Lt 14 Feb 63, must. 14 Feb 63. Resigned and commission cancelled. —--. Dexter, Benjamin Franklin 2nd Lieut. 1843; married; printer; Cambridge. 2d Lt 2 Mch 63, must. 12 Mch. Resigned 5 Jan 64. Other service:—Co. C 3rd Mass. Vol. Mil. 23 Apl 61 to 22 Jly 61; Corpl; 11th Mass. 16 Aug 62. 2d Lt 61st Mass. 3 Apl 65. Discharged 4 Je 65 ex. term. Died 29 Apl 87 Boston, Mass. Pratt, James Albert; 2nd Lieut. 6 Nov 38 Lowell; married; car
considerable party, and an aversion to. the exercise of patronage, he left to Newcastle the first seat at the Treasury Board, with the disposition of bishoprics, petty offices, and contracts, and the management of all the classes of venality. Almon's Biographical Aneodotes, III. 362 At that day, the good will of the people was, in England, the most uncertain tenure of office; for they had no chap. XII.} 1757. strength in parliament; their favorite held his high position at the sufferance usiness. Harris's Life of Hardwicke, III. 450. The new ministry kissed hands early in July, 1757. Sire, said the Secretary, give me your confidence, and I will deserve it. Deserve my confidence, replied the king, and you shall have it; Almon's Anecdotes, i. 229. and kept his word. All England applauded the Great Commoner's elevation. John Wilkes, Chatham Correspondence, i. 240. then just elected member of parliament, promised steady support to the measures of the ablest minister
. The generous and wise sentiments of the Earl of Bath were acceptable to the people of England. But there were not wanting a reflecting few who doubted. Foremost among them, William Burke, Remarks on the Letter to Two Great Men. Compare Almon's Biographical Anecdotes of Eminent Persons, II. 347. Mr. William Burke has always been said and believed to have been the author. I know no authority for attributing the pamphlet to Edmund Burke; but compare on the intimacy between the two, Edmwar had been an American war, Lord Halifax, one of the few whom inclinations, studies, opportunities, and talents had made perfectly masters of the state and interests of the colonies, should be appointed to negotiate peace. Private letters Almon's Anecdotes of the Earl of Chatham, III. Appendix M. from Guadaloupe gave warning that a country of such vast resources, and so distant as North America, could never remain long subject to Britain. The acquisition of Canada would strengthen Ame
the only check that could keep her colonies in awe. They stand no longer in need of her protection; she will call on them to contribute towards supporting the burdens they have helped to bring on her; and they will answer by striking off all dependence. Lord Mansfield, also, used often to declare that he too, ever since the peace of Paris, always thought the Northern Colonies were meditating a state of independency on Great Britain. Lord Mansfield in the House of Lords, 20 Dec. 1775, in Almon. v. 167. Force, VI. 233. The colonial system, being founded on injustice, was at war with itself. The principle which confined the commerce of each colony to its own metropolis, was not only introduced by England into its domestic legislation, but was accepted as the law of nations in its treaties with other powers; so that while it wantonly restrained its colonists, it was jealously, and on its own theory rightfully excluded from the rich possessions of France and Spain. Those regio
thought not much about tile matter, but left it to others, and especially to Charles Townshend. Finally, Jenkinson himself, in the debate in the House of Commons of 15th May, 1777, condemned the tea act as impolitic, &c., &c. Then, turning to the stamp act, he said that measure was not Mr. Grenville's; if the act was a good one, the merit of it was not due to Mr. Grenville; if it was a bad one, the errors of it, or the ill-policy of it, did not belong to him. The measure was not his. See Almon's Parliamentary Register, VII. 214. It admits of no question, that Bute's ministry resolved on raising an American revenue by parliamentary taxes on America. When the decisive minute of the Treasury Board on the subject was ordered, will appear below. At the same time, as if to exhibit in the most chap. V.} 1763. Mar. glaring manner the absence of all just ground for parliamentary taxation, the usual compensation for the expenses of the several provinces, according to their active v
ired. Calvert to Lieutenant-Governor Sharpe, February 29 to April 3. The free exercise of deli berative powers by the colonial assemblies, seemed to show a tendency for self-direction and legislative independence, which might even reach the Acts of Navigation. Forged letters of Montcalm, too, were exhibited to Grenville, That these letters, of which I have a copy, were shown to Grenville, is averred by Allon, Biographical Anecdotes, II. 99. On matters which were known to Lord Temple, Almon's evidence merits consideration. That they are forgeries, appears from their style, from their exaggeration, from their want of all authentication, from the comparison, freely and repeatedly allowed by successive ministries in France, of all the papers relating to the conquest of Canada, or to Montcalm. The fabrication and sale of political papers and secrets was, in the last century, quite a traffic. in which American independence at an early day was predicted as the consequence of the co
construction on his conduct to his disadvantage before the public. Rockingham to Dowdeswell in Cavendish Debates, i. 584. Rockingham to Hardwicke, in Albemarle, II. 50. This letter has the wrong date, of July 2 for July 20. Bedford insisted with firmness on the declaration. We may as well demand one from you, cried Rich- Chap. XXX.} 1767. July. mond, Walpole's Memoirs, III. 80. that you never will disturb that country again. Sandwich interposed to reconcile the difference Almon's Political Register, I. 204. by substituting an ambiguity for the explicit language of Grenville. Yet the same difficulty recurred on discussing the division of employments. In the House of Commons the lead must belong to Conway or Grenville. Against the latter Rockingham was inflexible; and Bedford equally determined against the former. So at one o'clock at night the meeting broke up without any result, though the Duke of New Castle, in his vain entreaties, had been moved to tears.
to Grenville, 3 Dec. 1769. Another Correspondent, the same gentleman, one of whose letters I lately sent you, &c. &c. The gentleman was Hutchinson. This confirms Almon's statement. himself, to Temple, Almon's Biographical anecdotes of Eminent Men; II. 105. Biog. Of Thomas Whately. Mr. Whately showed them to Mr. Grenville, whAlmon's Biographical anecdotes of Eminent Men; II. 105. Biog. Of Thomas Whately. Mr. Whately showed them to Mr. Grenville, who showed them to Lord Temple, and they were seen by other gentlemen. This refers to the very letter of Hutchinson above cited. Almon is good authority for what relates to Temple. and to others,—he declared that measures which he could not think of without pain were necessary for the peace and good of the Colony. There must be, sAlmon is good authority for what relates to Temple. and to others,—he declared that measures which he could not think of without pain were necessary for the peace and good of the Colony. There must be, said he, an abridgment of what are called English Liberties. The Letters of Gov. Hutchinson and Lieut. Gov. Oliver 16 17. He avowed his desire to see some further restraint, lest otherwise the connection with Great Britain should be broken; and he consoled himself for his advice, by declaring it impossible for so distant a Colony
e projected, proposed to Administration, solicited and obtained by some of the most respectable among the Americans themselves, as necessary for the welfare of that country, endeavored to convince Franklin of the well ascertained fact. Franklin remaining skeptical, he returned in a few days with letters from Hutchinson, Oliver, and Paxton, written to produce coercion. These had been addressed to Whately, who had communicated them to Grenville, his patron, and through him to Lord Temple. Almon's Biog. Anecdotes, II. 105; confirmed by the recently printed Grenville Papers, which show that Whately was accustomed to communicate to Grenville what he received from Hutchinson. Another correspondent, [i. e. Hutchinson,] the same gentleman, one of whose letters I lately sent you, &c. &c. Grenville Papers, IV. 480. They had been handed about, that they might more certainly contribute to effect the end which their writers had in view; and at Whately's death, remained in the possession of
arliament authorized to export tea to America entirely duty free in England, applied to the Treasury in August for the necessary license. They were warned by Americans, that their adventure Lee to S. Adams, 22 Dec. 1773. would end in loss, and some difficulties occurred in details; but the scruples of the Company were overruled by Lord North, who answered peremptorily, It is to no purpose making objections, for the King will have it so. The King means to try the question with America. Almon's Anecdotes and Speeches of the Earl of Chatham, ch. XLI. Compare also B. Franklin to his Son William Franklin, 14 July, 1773; Franklin's Writings, VIII. 75. The time was short; the danger to Boston immi- Sept. nent; resistance at all hazards was the purpose of its Committee of Correspondence; violent resistance might become necessary; and to undertake it without a certainty of union would only bring ruin on the town and on the cause. A Congress, therefore, on the plan of union pro-
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