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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 60 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 36 0 Browse Search
James D. Porter, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 7.1, Tennessee (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 26 2 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 26 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 24 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: June 11, 1861., [Electronic resource] 23 1 Browse Search
Col. O. M. Roberts, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 12.1, Alabama (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 17 1 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: November 3, 1860., [Electronic resource] 16 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events, Diary from December 17, 1860 - April 30, 1864 (ed. Frank Moore) 16 0 Browse Search
George Ticknor, Life, letters and journals of George Ticknor (ed. George Hillard) 16 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for John Bell or search for John Bell in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
ened, hard politicians though they were, must have had their better natures stirred, while they looked beyond the forced and unnatural compact of parties against the agitation of slavery, and recognized in his fearlessness and undaunted purpose the prophecy of a new North, and of the destined fall of slavery itself. The Senate and its president looked intently at the speaker during the delivery of the closing paragraphs. Underwood of Kentucky, as Hale observed, was visibly affected. Mrs. John Bell, who was in the gallery, showed sympathetic interest. Such, however, were the political adjustments of the time that only three other senators sustained in the vote his proposition of repeal,—Chase and Hale, his Free Soil associates, and Wade, nominally a Whig, with strong antislavery sentiments confirmed by pledges. Sumner's colleague, Davis, Mr. Davis left the Senate chamber at the close of Sumner's speech, and was absent for a considerable time,—sufficient, as he supposed, fo
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
setts, who were in sympathy with them. In the Charleston convention Butler voted for Jefferson Davis for President, and was the Breckinridge candidate for governor of Massachusetts, in the autumn. These seceders, who, disciples of Calhoun, (lid not think Douglas Southern and pro-slavery enough in his position, put John C. Breckinridge (afterwards a general in the Confederate army) in nomination. In May, a remnant of conservative Whigs, known as the Constitutional Union party, nominated John Bell for President and Edward Everett for Vice-President. The Republicans met at Chicago, May 16, and passing by Seward, the leading candidate, nominated Abraham Lincoln, who was supposed more likely than any one to command the support of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana, and Illinois,—States which they failed to carry in 1856. Their declaration of principles challenged the heresies of their adversaries by proclaiming freedom as the normal condition of all the Territories, by denying the au