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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 24 0 Browse Search
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died. 2 0 Browse Search
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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
held June 28, 1888, pp. 30-32.) Mr. Webster was said to have read the call, and promised to attend the convention, but was called to Washington before it met. (Boston Republican, Oct. 16, 1849, containing a full history of the period 1845-1848 so far as it relates to the antislavery conflict in Massachusetts, probably contributed by Henry Wilson.) Mr. Wilson reviewed this period in a speech in the Massachusetts Senate, Feb. 24, 1852 (Boston Common-wealth, March 1, 1852), and in a letter to L. V. Bell (Commonwealth, July 14, 1852). It declared that Massachusetts denounces the iniquitous project in its inception, and in every stage of its progress; in its means and its end, and in all the purposes and pretences of its authors. A solemn earnestness such as befits a great crisis in human affairs pervaded the assembly. This was the last demonstration of resistance to the annexation, or of protest against it, in which the representative Whig politicians of Massachusetts took part. Even
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
national convention to be held at Buffalo in August. The two protesting delegates from Massachusetts upon their return home addressed their constituents,—Wilson by letter, and Allen in person,—both reviewing the proceedings at Philadelphia, and summoning the people to reject them. Boston Whig, June 19 and 24. 1848. Wilson gave an account of this period, including 1845-1851, in a speech in the Massachusetts Senate, Feb. 24, 1852 (Boston Commonwealth, March 1, 1852), and in a letter to L. V. Bell (Commonwealth, July 14, 1852). The meeting. which was addressed by Allen, passed a resolution which deserves a perpetual record: Massachusetts wears no chains and spurns all bribes; she goes now, and will ever go, for free soil and free men, for free lips and a free press, for a free land and a free world. The call already prepared was at once issued, with a list of signers, in which Adams's name stood first and Sumner's second. It invited the citizens of Massachusetts who were opposed t
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
Letter to Sumner, Dec. 21, 1852. The mass of the senators did not in original faculties or training or aspirations deserve to rank with statesmen. Some of them, born in the last century, had passed most of their life in office,—as Berrien, Bell, Mr. Bell was one of the most distinguished of his type, and was a candidate in 1860 for the Presidency. The meagreness of his intellectual resources is described by a foreigner who had an opportunity to observe him closely. A. Gallenga's EpiMr. Bell was one of the most distinguished of his type, and was a candidate in 1860 for the Presidency. The meagreness of his intellectual resources is described by a foreigner who had an opportunity to observe him closely. A. Gallenga's Episodes of my Second Life, chap. XII. and Badger; but neither in speech nor act did they leave any impression on our history. Their training was generally that of lawyers practising in local courts; and their studies, if extended beyond what was necessary for the trial of cases in which they were retained, were limited to the history of American politics, or at most included a single reading of Hume and Gibbon. They knew well the art of looking after local interests, of flattering State pride,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
published a certificate confirming his statement as to his illness. All Northern Whig senators present voted against the bill, including Fish, who, however, took no part in the debate at any stage. The majority consisted of a united South, except Bell and Houston, and of all Northern Democrats except four. But this majority was divided in the grounds of its support. Douglas and Cass maintained that the people of the territory, by virtue of popular sovereignty (squatter sovereignty) had alone when it passed finally by a vote of thirty-five to thirteen. The two days debate ran largely on incidental and personal matters. The result was predetermined, and on neither side was there a disposition to go over the ground already traversed. Bell held the floor for hours with a wordy explanation, extended from one day to the next, of his embarrassment in separating himself by his vote from the body of Southern Whig senators and representatives. Wade, Seward, Chase, and Sumner, standing al
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 43: return to the Senate.—the barbarism of slavery.—Popular welcomes.—Lincoln's election.—1859-1860. (search)
Massachusetts one hundred and six thousand votes; Douglas, thirty-four thousand; Bell, twenty-two thousand; and Breckinridge, six thousand. In the electoral colleges Lincoln received one hundred and eighty votes; Breckinridge, seventy-two; Bell, thirty-nine; and Douglas, twelve. The Unionists in the South were divided between Douglas and Bell. In the North the rump of the Whig party—those antipathetic to antislavery sentiments—supported Bell and Everett; and their leaders in Massachusetts wBell and Everett; and their leaders in Massachusetts were chiefly the old opponents of the Conscience Whigs,—Winthrop, Eliot, Stevenson, G. T. Curtis, Walley, and Hillard. Some of these leaders are described in the Ne Felton, at this time President of Harvard College, and George Ticknor voted for Bell and Everett. The Whig conservatism of Boston had been broken up; but a remnant of five thousand votes was given in the city for Bell and Everett, principally cast by voters having a mercantile interest or connection, while the masses gave nearly <
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Massachusetts in the Army and Navy during the war of 1861-1865, vol. 1, Mass. officers and men who died., Index of names of persons. (search)
ames, 562 Bean, S. A., 124, 441 Bean, W. H., 333 Bean, W. S., 499 Beard, W. R., 499 Bears, Frank, 333 Beatter, Charles, 499 Beauchmin, Calixte, 333 Beauregard, G. T., 58, 121 Beavy, Henry, 499 Beck, W. J., 490 Becker, Ferdinand, 499 Becker, Oscar, 333 Beckwith, H. A., 70, 441 Beckwith, H. E., 499 Beckwith, R. S., 441 Bedell, F. H., 333 Beebe, H. W., 441 Beiber, Oscar, 499 Beirne, James, 333 Belden, Seth, 333 Belger, William, 441 Belknap, A. R., 441 Bell, James, 333 Bell, L. V., 141 Bell, William, 499 Bellows, H. E., 499 Bellows, J. N., 333 Bemis, Adelbert, 499 Bernis, F. A., 70, 333 Bemis, H. N., 333 Bendix, J. E., 33 Benedict, G. G., 7 Benham, H. W., 312 Benjamin, G. F., 333 Benjamin, J. P., 4 Benjamin, Samuel, 333 Bennett, Albert, 333 Bennett, B. F., 333 Bennett, E. H., 333 Bennett, E. T., 333 Bennett, F. B., 490 Bennett, Henry, 333 Bennett, Jeremiah, 333 Bennett, Nelson, 333 Bennett, Osmond, 333 Bennett, T. G., 333 Bennfays, Francis, 4