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Adam Badeau, Military history of Ulysses S. Grant from April 1861 to April 1865. Volume 1 103 1 Browse Search
William Tecumseh Sherman, Memoirs of General William T. Sherman . 90 2 Browse Search
Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 67 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume II. 65 1 Browse Search
William Boynton, Sherman's Historical Raid 35 1 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 9. (ed. Frank Moore) 30 2 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 3. 26 2 Browse Search
Mrs. John A. Logan, Reminiscences of a Soldier's Wife: An Autobiography 23 1 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 19 1 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 14 2 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Col. John C. Moore, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 9.2, Missouri (ed. Clement Anselm Evans). You can also browse the collection for Frank Blair or search for Frank Blair in all documents.

Your search returned 34 results in 4 document sections:

up his cabinet, his brother, Judge Montgomery Blair, was appointed postmaster-general. Thus Frank Blair was the unquestioned leader of a considerable and well-organized party in the State, with theignificance of the Republican vote in the State, the contest was not as unequal as it appeared. Blair knew the elements with which he had to deal as well as his opponents. He knew, besides, what thing their citizens to invade it. The troops of Illinois, Iowa and Kansas were almost as much at Blair's disposal as those he was actively but secretly organizing in Missouri. Both sides were waiting for some overt act on the part of the Federal authorities. Their attitude and policy suited Blair exactly. He was waiting, too, but at the same time he was working with a definite idea and aim.emocrat, the old Benton organ, which was established in the first place through the influence of Blair, and was still controlled by him, was unreservedly for the Republican party and the Union. The
ers of the respective parties knew, was formed between the Conditional and Unconditional Union men. It was the work of Frank Blair. The more radical, or rather the more blatant of the Unconditional Union men opposed it. But they were speedily suppressed by Blair and made to understand that their duty was to follow, without question, wherever he chose to lead. The Unconditional Union leaders did most of the talking, and appeared most prominently before the public. They were strong in wealth,t remarkable thing about it was that there was not an avowed Secessionist among its members. When the campaign opened Frank Blair's Wide-awakes in St. Louis were rapidly augmented in numbers—Eastern men supplying Blair with money to organize and arBlair with money to organize and arm them—and assumed such an arrogant and threatening demeanor that Governor Jackson was appealed to by quiet citizens for protection. He had no authority to call out the militia when the legislature was in session, and referred the matter to that bo
General Frost authorized to take the arsenal Blair appeals to the President Captain Nathaniel Lyon as delegates, but what they did was what Frank Blair wanted them to do. Their action marked the evidence, in fact, was strongly the other way. Blair deliberately put himself in the position of a tly of Germans, but had a few Americans in it. Blair never shrank from responsibility, and he becamt to be supposed that as sagacious a man as Frank Blair did not understand the importance of the ar been, he was not disposed to be controlled by Blair. In this crisis fortune favored Blair. CapBlair. Capt. Nathaniel Lyon, of the regular army, was ordered to St. Louis with his company. Lyon was a coaron not to distribute arms to the Home Guards. Blair and Lyon appealed again to the President but could not move him. Then Blair got Sturgeon to write General Scott, begging him to reinforce the gar the force, making it about 500 strong. Still Blair and Lyon were not satisfied, and Blair went to[14 more...]
being surrendered with the town. On the 19th the Missouri brigades were armed with Enfield rifles, very much to their satisfaction, and the First Missouri Confederate infantry, in a fight on the left, captured the battleflag of the Eighth Missouri Federal infantry. The cannonading from the gunboats and the land batteries, as well as the musketry firing, was incessant, but the besieged took no active part in the uproar, except when their works were charged. On the 22d the Federals of Gen. Frank Blair's division made three fierce assaults on the stockade on the left of the line, but were repulsed each time with great loss by the First Missouri brigade. The Third Missouri infantry, though protected by breastworks, lost fifty-six killed and wounded, and the other regiments of the brigade lost in proportion. This experiment was so disastrous to the Federals that they did not make another attempt to storm the works during the siege. But they were at work with their picks and spades, u