Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for Montgomery Blair or search for Montgomery Blair in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860April, 1861. (search)
rd's character was complex; it is difficult to understand it, and it is possible to misjudge him. At the outset as secretary he opposed the relief of Fort Sumter, and continued to oppose it against the positive opinions of his associates,—Chase, Blair, and Welles. On April 1 he submitted to the President, without the latter's invitation, what is justly called an extraordinary state paper, unlike anything to be found in the political history of the United States. After saying that we are at toved its immediate adoption, deeming it most important that in the existing exigency of public affairs all controversy as to the offices should be ended at once. The appointments thus recommended were forthwith made. The Postmaster-General, Mr. Blair, adopted the rule of allowing the senators each to name the postmaster for his place of residence. The Boston post-office was sought by three persons, who were backed by an array of names on their petitions and by political influence,—all thre
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
nt anxious, notwithstanding the current of opinion in the country in favor of the capture, in which his Cabinet, except Mr. Blair, joined. The President then as always was receptive to what Sumner had to say on foreign affairs,—often giving greatern his resolutions became an article in the Atlantic Monthly, October, 1863 (Works, vol. VII. pp. 493-546), to which Montgomery Blair, Attorney-General, replied in a speech at Rockville, Md., October 3. The resolutions, however, were supported in th article was approved in letters from judge John Appleton of Maine, Isaac N. Arnold of Illinois, and Thaddeus Stevens. Mr. Blair, in letters to Sumner, September 24 and November 28, while maintaining at length his public criticisms, avowed his personal friendliness. Mr. Lincoln's comments on the opposite views of Sumner and Blair are given in his Life, by Nicolay and Hay, vol. IX. p. 336. Peace was as—yet so far in the distance that the question had not become a practical one; but Sumner al
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 47: third election to the Senate. (search)
n. It is time for it to come to an end. I am grateful to you that you have kept your faith in us, and I play you to persevere. I write to you sincerely, as I feel; and I beg you to believe that I would not excite any confidence which I do not believe well founded. Of course, we have before us the whole reconstruction of Southern society. I have seen it so from the beginning; but I have hope that our people will rise to the grandeur of the occasion. The colonization delusion is from Montgomery Blair, postmaster-general, who has made a convert of the President; but thus far I have thought it best to allow it to have a free course, and thus to avoid a difference with the President. Our generals are inefficient, but our troops are excellent. I have loved England, and now deplore her miserable and utterly false position towards my country. God bless you! To the Duchess of Argyll, November 12:— You will hear of the elections. In Massachusetts the vote has been all that I
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 48: Seward.—emancipation.—peace with France.—letters of marque and reprisal.—foreign mediation.—action on certain military appointments.—personal relations with foreigners at Washington.—letters to Bright, Cobden, and the Duchess of Argyll.—English opinion on the Civil War.—Earl Russell and Gladstone.—foreign relations.—1862-1863. (search)
e been earnest in his support of Chase and Stanton, and is not known to have had special objection to other members except Seward. He had agreeable relations with Blair, who desired him to be appointed to the Cabinet after Blair himself had been compelled to leave it. (Nicolay and Hay, vol. IX. p. 349.) His cordial understanding Blair himself had been compelled to leave it. (Nicolay and Hay, vol. IX. p. 349.) His cordial understanding with Welles appears in the latter's book on Lincoln and Seward. From Bates he obtained a decisive opinion as to the pay of colored troops. Sumner's only reference to the attempted displacement of Seward, discovered in his correspondence, is a single sentence of a letter to Dr. Lieber, Jan. 23, 1863: The pressure for the expulsion views at a meeting of the Cabinet, but on Sumner's doubting the expediency of this step, requested him to see the members individually. The senator found Welles, Blair, and Bates receptive to his views; but Chase remained firmly against him. He had an unpleasant interview with Seward, who did not conceal his satisfaction that he
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
n—the masses of the people—did not admit the limitations apparent to those who were present at the seat of government. Indeed, the very qualities and ways which repelled public men brought the President near to the people. His retention of Montgomery Blair, He removed Blair, September 23, yielding to the pressure. (Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 339-342.) A resolution of the Republican national convention was intended to call for a change in his case as well as Seward's. Blair, September 23, yielding to the pressure. (Nicolay and Hay's Life of Lincoln, vol. IX. pp. 339-342.) A resolution of the Republican national convention was intended to call for a change in his case as well as Seward's. (New York Independent, June 20.) The President, in January, 1865, informed William Claflin, who had in 1864, as an active member of the Republican national committee, come into intimate relations with him, of his purpose to make a change in the office of Secretary of State during the coming summer. Governor Claflin, some years afterwards, gave an account of this conversation with Mr. Lincoln at a dinner of the Massachusetts Club in Boston. and particularly of Seward, in his Cabinet, weakened
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 50: last months of the Civil War.—Chase and Taney, chief-justices.—the first colored attorney in the supreme court —reciprocity with Canada.—the New Jersey monopoly.— retaliation in war.—reconstruction.—debate on Louisiana.—Lincoln and Sumner.—visit to Richmond.—the president's death by assassination.—Sumner's eulogy upon him. —President Johnson; his method of reconstruction.—Sumner's protests against race distinctions.—death of friends. —French visitors and correspondents.—1864-1865. (search)
way which they had in Washington formerly. Mr. Blair, who visited Richmond, still insists that pegnized, sets his face against it. He said to Mr. Blair that there was a Brutus who would brook the rgan and members of the New York bar; and Montgomery Blair, who claimed to have Mr. Seward's supportton King, late senator from New York, and Montgomery Blair, to the house of Mr. Blair, Sr., at SilveMr. Blair, Sr., at Silver Springs, near Washington. His unseemly exhibition of himself in the presence of the nation was ththe counsellors of a king. Preston King and Mr. Blair went to the President when he was intoxicate the hotel and sheltered him at the house of Mr. Blair. Hinc amicitia! Sumner's correspondence The mission to Spain was offered first to Montgomery Blair, who was indignant, saying that he had reaid that he had presented his papers, and that Blair was his candidate. Blair thought that if SewaBlair thought that if Seward had been much in earnest he could have prevented Chase's nomination. President Lincoln selected
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
o see. The announcement of the proposed complete edition of his Works called out a large number of notices, which dwelt at length on his habits of mind, his style, and his position as a statesman. The one contributed to the New York Independent, May 12, 1870, was from the distinguished scholar, Moses Coit Tyler. Sumner's name had at different times been mentioned for Secretary of State and for the missions to England and France. Mr. Lincoln, at the time he called for the resignation of Mr. Blair, Postmaster-General, in 1864, contemplated a change in the state department after the election in 1864; Ante, p. 195, note. and in that event it is likely that he would have invited Sumner to be Seward's successor. Sumner's name was mentioned in connection with the Cabinet which Wade might have formed if Johnson had been removed by impeachment; and it was now again, after General Grant's election, canvassed in connection with the state department. It is not likely that Sumner would have
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 59: cordiality of senators.—last appeal for the Civil-rights bill. —death of Agassiz.—guest of the New England Society in New York.—the nomination of Caleb Cushing as chief-justice.—an appointment for the Boston custom-house.— the rescinding of the legislative censure.—last effort in debate.—last day in the senate.—illness, death, funeral, and memorial tributes.—Dec. 1, 1873March 11, 1874. (search)
condition, and came at once. At the bedside, serving as friendly nurses, were Wormley and G. T. Downing, both of the race whose champion he had been; and bending over him was his faithful secretary, Johnson, who was with him to the last. At hand through the day, except in brief absences, and often in his room, were H. L. Pierce, Judge Hoar, Schurz, Hooper, and Poore. Many waited in the study,—among whom were observed Mr. Blaine (the Speaker), Senators Morrill of Vermont and Windom, Montgomery Blair, and Frederick Douglass; and in the same room the chaplain of the Senate read passages from the fourteenth chapter of Saint John's Gospel, and offered a prayer. To Johnson and the two colored friends, who were raising him and changing his position, the senator expressed regret for the trouble he was giving them, saying to his secretary, You must be very tired; but you can soon rest. To Judge Hoar who, while chafing his hands, said, I am trying to warm you, he answered, You never will.