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felt called upon to make my election as between the Union and the rebel cause as publicly as possible, that my old friends in the South might understand that they had nothing to expect from me, and to manifest before the country my sense of duty as an officer of the Government. Upon making my report at the War Office, and asking for orders, I was not long in discovering that the public affairs of Missouri--especially in the city of St. Louis — were very much under the influence of the two Blairs, Montgomery and Frank — the former the Postmaster-General, then in Washington; the latter a lawyer in St. Louis, who had recently been active in raising a volunteer force in the city of St. Louis, then immediately designed for the protection of the United States Arsenal on the Mississippi River, in the southern suburb of the city. It will be the province of history to recite the suspicious proceedings of the Legislature of the State of Missouri, in authorizing military organizations in di
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 8: during the civil war (search)
ates from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Indiana that he could not carry those States. Thereupon Henry J. Raymond wrote from Seward's home a letter to the New York Times in which he gave a different account of Greeley's action at the convention. The letter was a very bitter one, as a few extracts from it will show: The main work of the Chicago convention was the defeat of Governor Seward, ... and in that endeavor Mr. Greeley labored harder and did tenfold more than the whole family of Blairs, together with all the gubernatorial candidates to whom he modestly hands over the honors of the effective campaign. He had special qualifications as well as a special love for the task, to which none of the others could lay any claim. For twenty years he had been sustaining the political principles and vindicating the political conduct of Mr. Seward through the columns of the most influential political newspaper in the country.... He had gone far beyond him in expressions of hostility to
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), Memoir of Jane Claudia Johnson. (search)
rolinas and form a junction with Grant in Virginia. Such was the military situation when in the early part of January, 1865, Mr. Francis P. Blair, Sr., a gentleman of great ability and acknowledged influence with the Administration at Washington, made his appearance at Richmond. He brought with him no credentials, but exhibited to Mr. Davis the following card: December 28, 1864. Allow the bearer, F. P. Blair, Sr., to pass our lines, go South and return. (Signed) A. Lincoln. Mr. Blairs return. After a private interview with Mr. Davis, Mr. Blair returned to Washington and in a few days came again to Richmond. Another consultation was held, in the course of which Mr. Blair suggested to Mr. Davis that a suspension of hostilities might be brought about by a secret military convention between the belligerents for the purpose of maintaining the Monroe Doctrine on this continent, and thereby preventing the threatened establishment of an Empire by France in Mexico. He frank
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 29. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.18 (search)
rolinas and form a junction with Grant in Virginia. Such was the military situation when in the early part of January, 1865, Mr. Francis P. Blair, Sr., a gentleman of great ability and acknowledged influence with the Administration at Washington, made his appearance at Richmond. He brought with him no credentials, but exhibited to Mr. Davis the following card: December 28, 1864. Allow the bearer, F. P. Blair, Sr., to pass our lines, go South and return. (Signed) A. Lincoln. Mr. Blairs return. After a private interview with Mr. Davis, Mr. Blair returned to Washington and in a few days came again to Richmond. Another consultation was held, in the course of which Mr. Blair suggested to Mr. Davis that a suspension of hostilities might be brought about by a secret military convention between the belligerents for the purpose of maintaining the Monroe Doctrine on this continent, and thereby preventing the threatened establishment of an Empire by France in Mexico. He frank
gress, and the controlling influence with the incoming Administration; but now, that the delusion has had its intended effect, in influencing the recent elections in the Border States, and throwing dust in the eyes of the Bankers, Capital-1sts and Merchants of the Northern cities, who subscribed to Government loans on the assurance that Peace, and not War, was to be the Lincoln policy, the mask is thrown off, and lo! these conservative politicians are now hand and glove with the Chases, the Blairs, the Trumbulls, the Hales, the Fessendens. and other men of notoriously extreme views, as if defeat the very measures of adjustment which they were morally pledged to support! The Radicals, it is now evident, have been playing into the hands of the so-called Conservatives, and the so-called Conservatives have been playing into the hands of the Radicals for a common purpose — to Gain time.--The role of the Conservatives was to cry peace, peace, peace; the role of the Radicals was war; bu
trict Militia is again going on. The general parade takes place on Monday. Among those who recently resigned at the U. S. Patent Office, rather than subscribe to the obnoxious test oath compelling them to support Lincoln and the Chicago platform, we find the name of Beckwith West, Esq., a nephew of Col. W. W. Seaton, of the National Intelligencer. At least two hundred clerks, of Southern proclivities, have resigned their positions in the different departments at Washington, during the past week, rather than take the test oath. Many Republicans declare that Lincoln is under the control of two or three bad men-- i. e. Blairs, Jim Lane, Cassius M. Clay & Co. Rabid Republicans threaten that Montgomery and his Kansas ruffians will soon be here. Edward Bates, Attorney General, is barricaded in his office in the Treasury building — windows planked up — gas lighted all day. Cameron is said to have made a blood thirsty speech to the Pennsylvanians in the Capito
dness and infatuation. There are those who cherish the vain delusion that the ruling spirits at Washington will be disposed towards peace. Never was there a greater hallucination or a wilder dream. It is an axiom of history that revolutions never go backwards. Those who raise the whirlwind may direct, but they cannot stay, the storm. Danton and Robespierre and Petion went on, and on, and on, until they themselves experienced the fate to which they had consigned so many victims. The Blairs, the Sewards and the Greeleys cannot stop in the full career of revolution, if they would; and they would not if they could. To pause, to parley and to make peace, may be the part of prudence for the North, as it indisputably is the part of patriotism; but it is not in the hearts of these men to espouse a policy of that pacific nature, even if it did not involve, as it does, their own banishment from power and disgrace before the world and posterity. That these men control the sentimen
f dollars is to pronounce anathema, maranatha upon it and all its authors. Seward was against it and Greeley for it; and Seward has struck Greeley a very hard blow in the Message. It is noteworthy that Secretary Chase, in his Report to Congress, pays no attention to the huge demand of the Message for men and money. Chase is known to have been an original war man, and he palpably snubs the demand of the Message. The silence of the fiscal officer of the Cabinet on so important a recommendation, is significant. It shows that Chase and Seward are not in accord, and that Lincoln is too much of an imbecile to exact for his own recommendations the combined support of his Cabinet. Chase would seem to be on the side of Greeley and the bloody Blairs. War usually unites the contending factions of a party. This war of Lincoln seems to have failed of this result. Before the curtains they are all furiously zealous for the war; behind the curtains they have daggers for each other.
eople reside in the fertile portion of the State North of the river; and the command of the channel of the river gives us possession of that splendid and populous region of country. The disaster at Lexington decides the fortunes of Fremont. That truculent traitor and brutal upstart must now share the fate of Scott. The North will demand a victim, and Fremont will be the unlucky beast given to the sacrifice. He is really not responsible for the calamity; but he has managed to offend the Blairs, the greatest liars of the age and continent, and they will "lie" him into disgrace and ruin. He would not support Lincoln for the Presidency, but went off to France. Lincoln remembers and will punish. The fate of Fremont will be even worse than that of Scott. An old and a young traitor, not one breast in all the world will beat one throb of sympathy for their fate. As yet, we have only the enemy's report of the incidents of the engagement. When that of our own friends shall reach u
erday, to be forwarded to their friends in Pennsylvania. Francis P. Blair's "mission." Francis P. Blair, about whom so much has been written in the Confederacy because of the New York Tribune's crediting him with a peace commission, returned to Washington on Monday, having "finished an agreeable and friendly visit to General Grant. " A telegram says he saw no one from the rebel Government except some deserters and refugees.--The Philadelphia Inquirer, announcing the return of the two Blairs, says: The quid nunes, having settled beyond dispute that diplomacy was their errand, are now withdrawing the assertion, by gradual modifications, and preparing for the final confession that they were mistaken. The first modification of the story is, that General Grant refused to give passes to the Messrs. Blair, which, if they had the authority which was ascribed to them, would not have been refused. Next we are told that the Blairs had no public mission, but that they hoped to get
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