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James Redpath, The Public Life of Captain John Brown 1,857 43 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 250 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 242 6 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 16. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 138 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 129 1 Browse Search
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1 126 0 Browse Search
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life 116 2 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 13. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 116 6 Browse Search
Maj. Jed. Hotchkiss, Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 3, Virginia (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 114 0 Browse Search
Lydia Maria Child, Letters of Lydia Maria Child (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier, Wendell Phillips, Harriet Winslow Sewall) 89 3 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1. You can also browse the collection for John Brown or search for John Brown in all documents.

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Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Biographical sketch of Wendell Phillips. (search)
life. For many years he was a popular lecturer, appearing on the platform in most of the Northern cities. His lecture on The lost arts, which was rather a series than a single work, and which was ever changing form and seeking new truths, was one of the most finished productions of the modern type of mind. Among his other subjects, winning for him constant admiration, may be mentioned Street life in Europe, Toussaint l'ouverture, Daniel O'Connell, and his eulogies on Theodore Parker and John Brown. Among his published writings, the following are noteworthy-The Constitution a pro-slavery Contract, 1844; Can Abolitionists vote or take office? 1845; Review of Spooner's Unconstitutionality of Slavery, 1847; Addresses, 1850; Review of Webster's seventh-of-march speech, 1850; Review of Kossuth's course, 1851; Defence of the Anti-slavery movement, 1851. All of these productions were received with approbation by the followers of his doctrines, but with bitter condemnation by all person
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Woman's rights. (search)
he clothes, See that they are mended, See that the parlors are properly arranged. Suppose we grant it all. Are there no women but housekeepers? no women but mothers? 0 yes, many! Suppose we grant that the cares of a household are so heavy that they are greater than the cares of the president of a college; that he who has the charge of some hundreds of youths is less oppressed with care than the woman with three rooms and two children; that though President Sparks has time for politics, Mrs. Brown has not. Grant that, and still we claim that you should be true to your theory, and allow to single women those rights which she who is the mistress of a household and mother of a family has no time to exercise. Let women vote! cries one. Why, wives and daughters might be Democrats, while their fathers and husbands were Whigs. It would never do. It would produce endless quarrels. And the self-satisfied objector thinks he has settled the question. But, if the principle be a sound
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 14 (search)
t Virginia, for a week, asked leave to be of John Brown at Harper's Ferry. [Cheers and applause.] Cepent, send soon their Exmouth and Decatur. John Brown has twice as much right to hang Governor Wiso entered his name in the city of Cleveland, John Brown, of Kansas, advertised there two horses for be calm as oil. But put one Christian, like John Brown of Osawatomie, and he makes the whole crystaal opinion of it. I value this element that Brown has introduced into American politics. The Soll who's mad. The world says one man is mad. John Brown said the same of the Governor. You remembert. Meanwhile, a hundred men having rallied to Brown's side, he might have marched across the quakifirst cropping out of it is in such a man as John Brown. Grant that he did not measure his means; t, that there was not a Virginia gun fired at John Brown. Hundreds of wellarmed Maryland and Virginicious, but wide-spread sympathy on the side of Brown. Do you suppose that these things mean noth[23 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 15 (search)
Burial of John Brown. delivered at the grave of John Brown, at North Elba, December 8, 1859. How feeble words seem here How can I hope to utter what your heaJohn Brown, at North Elba, December 8, 1859. How feeble words seem here How can I hope to utter what your hearts are full of? I fear to disturb the harmony which his life breathes round this home. One and another of you, his neighbors, say, I have known him five years, I hit looks green for months,--a year or two. Still, it is timber, not a tree. John Brown has loosened the roots of the slave system; it only breathes,--it does not limen's hearts! Insurrection was a harsh, horrid word to millions a month ago. John Brown went a whole generation beyond it, claiming the right for white men to help t such a roof. Hereafter you will tell children standing at your knees, I saw John Brown buried,--I sat under his roof. Thank God for such a master. Could we have acience, --of truth. Virginia is weak, because each man's heart said amen to John Brown. His words,--they are stronger even than his rifles. These crushed a State.
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
eels, then forth steps Abraham Lincoln. But John Brown was behind the curtain, and the cannon of Macess, Caesar's life was a failure as much as John Brown's; the Empire rotted into the grave which sllue sky above, you will see Mr. Garrison and John Brown! [Prolonged cheering.] They believe the negd Mr. Seward himself, instead of saying that John Brown was justly hung, may dare then to declaim, asame tribute to the recent abolition martyr, John Brown. He fell! So have many illustrious champio with their avowed principles, withhold from John Brown the tribute of their admiration, or from his.] At Washington, in February, he thought John Brown was misguided and desperate, and justly hung. [Laughter.] But at Chicago, in September, John Brown, he says, was the only one man [when the Misrie! Standing in Kansas, with the spirit of John Brown hovering over him, his name written on everyped there. [Applause.] Then the ghost of John Brown makes Virginia quick to calculate the profit[2 more...]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, Mobs and education. (search)
d quality of the meeting was shown by the statement of that notice, that it chose the anniversary of the martyrdom. of John Brown as the day for its meeting, and mentioning his death as too glorious to need defence or eulogy. If any one of Mr. Fay's associates entered that hall with written resolutions in their pockets, denouncing John Brown and expressing horror for his piratical, bloody, and nefarious attempt, by what claim, as gentlemen, do they justify their presence there? But waive tyou, Who is he? But all Europe, the leaders and the masses, spoke by the lips of Victor Hugo, when he said, The death of Brown is more than Cain killing Abel; it is Washington slaying Spartacus. [Laughter from some parts of the hall, and from othe the hucksters and fops of the Exchange? This day on which I speak, a year ago, those brave young hearts which held up John Brown's hands faced death without a murmur, for the slave's sake. In the light of their example, God forbid we should give u
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
. which freedom can enter. Let universal suffrage have free sway, and the ballot supersedes the bullet. But let an arrogant and besotted minority curb the majority by tricks like these, and when you have compromised away Lincoln, you revive John Brown. On this point of insurrection, let me say a word. Strictly speaking, I repudiate the term insurrection. The slaves are not a herd of vassals. They are a nation, four millions strong; having the same right of revolution that Hungary and F-a people which the conspiracy of Buchanan's Cabinet could not disgust, nor the guns of Carolina arouse? Will compromise eliminate all our Puritan blood, make the census add up against us, and in favor of the South,--write a new Bible,--blot John Brown from history,--make Connecticut suck its idle thumbs like a baby, and South Carolina invent and save like a Yankee? If it will, it will succeed. If it will not, Carolina don't want it, any more than Jerrold's duck wants you to hold an umbrell
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 21 (search)
off her chains. We have a North, as Daniel Webster said. This is no epoch for nations to blush at. England might blush in 1620, when Englishmen trembled at a fool's frown, and were silent when James forbade them to think; but not in 1649, when an outraged people cut off his son's head. Massachusetts might have blushed a year or two ago, when an insolent Virginian, standing on Bunker Hill, insulted the Commonwealth, and then dragged her citizens to Washington to tell what they knew about John Brown; but she has no reason to blush to-day, when she holds that same impudent Senator an acknowledged felon in her prison-fort. In my view, the bloodiest war ever waged is infinitely better than the happiest slavery which ever fattened men into obedience. And yet I love peace. But it is real peace; not peace such as we have had; not peace that meant lynch-law in the Carolinas and mob-law in New York; not peace that meant chains around Boston Court-House, a gag on the lips of statesmen, and
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 24 (search)
th to every white man! They had fifteen hundred prisoners. Ranged in front of the camp, they were about to be shot. Toussaint, who had a vein of religious fanaticism, like most great leaders,--like Mohammed, like Napoleon, like Cromwell, like John Brown [cheers],he could preach as well as fight,--mounting a hillock, and getting the ear of the crowd, exclaimed: Brothers, this blood will not wipe out the insult to our chief; only the blood in yonder French camp can wipe it out. To shed that is cfty years hence, when Truth gets a hearing, the Muse of His tory will put Phocion for the Greek, and Brutus for the Roman, Hampden for England, Fayette for France, choose Washington as the bright, consummate flower of our earlier civilization, and John Brown the ripe fruit of our noonday [thunders of applause], then, dipping her pen in the sunlight, will write in the clear blue, above them all, the name of the soldier, the statesman, the martyr, Toussant L'Ouverture. [Long-continued applause.]
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
hichever conquers supersedes the other. I may seem tedious in this analysis. But it seems to me that the simple statement includes the whole duty and policy of the hour. It is a conflict which will never have an end until one or the other element subdues its rival. Therefore we should be, like the South, penetrated with an idea, and ready with fortitude and courage to sacrifice everything to that idea. No man can fight Stonewall Jackson, a sincere fanatic on the side of slavery, but John Brown, an equally honest fanatic on the other. [Applause.] They are the only chemical equals, and will neutralize each other. You cannot neutralize nitric acid with cologne-water. You cannot hurl William H. Seward at Jeff Davis. [Great applause and laughter.] You must have a man of ideas on both sides. Otherwise the elements of the struggle are unequal. Our object is to subdue the South. What right has our civilization to oust out the other? It has this right: We are a Union,--not a pa