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erable octogenarian, he appealed to the heart of Choiseul. It may not be, answered Choiseul; France cannot bear the charge of supporting the Colony's precarious existence. On the tenth of July 1765, the austere and unamiable Aubry to Lieut. Gov. Brown, 11 Nov. 1768. Aubry to the French Minister, 30 March, 1766, in Gayarre II. 157. Antonio De Ulloa, by a letter from Havana, announced to the Superior Council at New Orleans, that he had received orders to take possession of that city for tAubry; and when the French flag was displayed on the public square, children and women ran up to kiss its folds; and it was raised by nine hundred men, amidst shouts of Long live the King of France; we will have no King but him. Aubry to Lieut. Gov. Brown at Pensacola, 11 November, 1768. Compare Foucault to the Minister, 22 Nov. 1768, and the Paper published by Denis Braud, reprinted in Pittman's Mississippi: Appendix. Ulloa retreated to Havana, and sent his representations to Spain; while
be exchanged for French goods. All English merchandise came burdened with the cost of land carriage from Philadelphia to Fort Pitt. Information of the State of Commerce in the Illinois Country, given by Captain Forbes. The British Navigation Acts spread their baleful influence over the western Prairies. In November, Wilkins, the new Commandant in Illinois, following suggestions from Gage, appointed seven civil Judges to decide local controversies; Peck's Gazetteer of Ilinois, 107. Brown's History of Illinois, 213. Monette's Mississippi Valley, i. 411. yet without abdicating his own overrul- Chap. XXXVIII} 1768. Oct. ing authority. Pittman's Present State of the European Settlements on the Mississippi, &c. 43. This plan which could be but temporary, led the people under his rule themselves to refleet on the best forms of Government. But Wilkins was chiefly intent on enriching some Philadelphia fur traders, who were notorious for their willingness to bribe; Compare
ants to preserve the dear and inviolable name of French citizens at the greatest peril of their lives and fortunes. They sought communication with the English; Brown to Secretary of State, Pensacola, 1 Dec. 1768. I am told the whole province of Louisiana have deputed fifty of the principal inhabitants to make a representation t1769. welcomed the deputies with treacherous politeness and the fairest promises, 1 August, 1769, in a second Postscript to the Letter from J. Campbell to Lieut. Gov. Brown of 30 July, 1769. detained them to dine, and dismissed them full of admiration for his talents and confident of a perfect amnesty. So general was the persuaast disappearing from the earth. In April, 1769, Pontiac, so long the dreaded enemy of the English, had been assassinated by an Illinois J. Campbell to Lieut. Governor Brown, 30 July, 1769. Indian without provocation and in time of peace; Gage to Sir William Johnson, 20 August, 1769. Gage to Hillsborough, 12 August, 1769. t
stimony of trustworthy men. Edward Paine, cited in Boston Gazette, of 7 Jan. 1771, perceived nothing but the talk that he thought would have induced the sentry or any of the soldiers to fire. Henry Knox, afterwards General and Secretary at War, was close by and saw nothing thrown. His testimony is very strong. Among others, Langford the watchman, says, The boys were swearing and using bad words, but they threw nothing. Trial, 11. I saw nobody strike a blow, nor offer a blow. Trial, 12. Brown saw nothing thrown at the soldiers. Trial 14. Testimony of Richard Palmes on Preston's Trial. He was standing close by Preston and Montgomery. Question. At the time the soldiers fired, did you see a number of things thrown at them? Answer. I saw nothing thrown or touch them, except that which struck Montgomery. 6. Compare on the other hand the testimony to prove the pelting. The chief witness was Andrew, a negro servant, famed for his lively imagination. James Bailey, a friend of t
e men of Rhode Island, by the hands of Darius Sessions, their Deputy Governor, and Stephen Hopkins, their Chief Justice, appealed to Samuel Adams for advice. And he answered immediately that the occasion should awaken the American Colonies, and again unite them in one band; that an attack upon the liberties of one Colony was an attack upon the liberties of all, and that therefore in this instance all should be ready to yield assistance. Darius Sessions, Stephen Hopkins, John Cole, and Moses Brown to Samuel Adams, Providence, 25 Dec. 1772. Adams's Reply, 28 Dec. Employing this event also to contribute to the great purpose of a general union, the Boston Committee as the year went out, were encouraged by the Chap. XLVIII.} 1772. Dec. people's thorough understanding of their civil and religious rights and liberties, to trust in God, that a day was hastening when the efforts of the Colonists would be crowned with success, and the present generation furnish an example of public v
en, said Hopkins in the presence of both Houses, for the purpose of transportation for trial, I will neither apprehend any person by my own order, nor suffer any executive officers in the Colony to do it. Ezra Stiles to Rev Wm. Spencer, Newport, 16 Feb. 1773. A very long and carefully prepared letter.—The people would not have borne an actual seizure of persons; which nothing but an armed force could have effected. The attempt would have produced a crisis. Sessions, Hopkins, Cole and Brown, to S. Adams, Providence, 15 Feb. 1773. The Commissioners elicited nothing and adjourned with bitterness in their hearts. Smyth, the Chief Feb. Justice of New Jersey, who had just been put on the civil list, threw all blame on the popular Government of Rhode Island. Smyth to Dartmouth, 8 Feb. 1773. Horsmanden advised to take away the Charter of that Province, and of Connecticut also; and consolidate the twins in one royal Government. Chief Justice Horsmanden of New-York, to Lord