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J. B. Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, chapter 22 (search)
hmond is relieved by the defeat and retreat of Burnside. But suppose it should not be relieved, and a force should be sent suddenly up the James and York Rivers? We have not a word from Fredericksburg, and it is probable Burnside's batteries still command the town. Lee is content and has no idea of crossing the river. There are two notable rumors in the streets : first, that we have gained a great battle in Tennessee; and, second, that the government at Washington has arrested John Van Buren and many other Democratic leaders in the North, which has resulted in a riot, wherein 1000 have fallen, making the gutters in New York run with blood! Gen. Lee's official report says our loss in the battle of the 13th in killed and wounded did not exceed 1200, whereas our papers said 2050 wounded have already been brought to this city. Well, our government must have spies at Washington as an offset to Federal spies here among Gen. Winder's policemen; for we knew exactly when the
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1., Chapter 10: Peace movements.--Convention of conspirators at Montgomery. (search)
and Northwest, with at least two hundred and fifty millions of dollars added thereto, and cui bono? Fifteen desolated Provinces! not to be brought into harmony with their conquerors, to be held for generations by heavy garrisons, at an expense quadruple the net duties or taxes which it would be possible to extort from them, followed by a Protector or Emperor. IV. Say to the seceded States--Wayward sisters, depart in peace!--Scott's Autobiography, II. 625. On the solicitation of John Van Buren, of New York, General Scott gave him the original draft of this letter, as an autographic keepsake of a strictly private nature, supposing that he was simply gratifying the wishes of an honorable man. His confidence was betrayed, and this private letter to Mr. Seward was read to a large public meeting of the friends of Horatio Seymour, during the canvass of that leader for the office of Governor of New York. The letter was used as an implied censure of the policy of the Administration o
Charles Congdon, Tribune Essays: Leading Articles Contributing to the New York Tribune from 1857 to 1863. (ed. Horace Greeley), The Reveries of Reverdy. (search)
oke; why he should persist in shouting fire, now that the fire is extinguished; why he should not, the danger past, come out of the tombs, shave himself, and put on a clean shirt and a smiling face, he may know, but we certainly do not. Does he like the luxury of woe? Does he find tears sweet? and sighs pleasant? and apprehension comforting? We advise him to bid farewell to idle fears, and to wipe his eyes with a star-spangled pocket handkerchief. Let him profit by the example of John Van Buren, who wrote to the Palace Garden to say that he could not come to the meeting, but sent his best love and encouragement. John may sometimes swear and sometimes laugh, but he knows altogether too much to cry. So, upon this occasion, he comes bravely up to the scratch, and does not doubt at all. He is in the most altitudinous spirits. He sees victory in the distance preparing wreaths for the inevitable and triumphant Democracy into a particularly large chaplet for himself. Now, we like p
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., Xvi. The era of Slave-hunting. (search)
Xvi. The era of Slave-hunting. Fugitive Slave law John Van Buren Judge Grier R. R. Sloane Margaret Garner Anthony Burns--the flaunting lie National party Platforms of 1852 Gen. Scott election of Pierce and King. but, whatever theoretic or practical objections may be justly made to the Compromise of 1850, there can be no doubt that it was accepted and ratified by a great majority of the American People, whether in the North or in the South. They were intent on business — ty the act to summon and call to their aid the bystanders, or posse comitatus of the proper county, to aid them in their work; and all good citizens are hereby commanded to aid and assist in the prompt and efficient execution of this law. Mr. John Van Buren, in a letter Dated New York, April 4, 1851. to a Massachusetts Convention of opponents of this law, while admitting the right to reclaim and the duty of surrendering fugitives from Slavery, condemned the enactment in all its more importa
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I., chapter 26 (search)
tion of all parties when overruled by that Court, was not calculated to please and conciliate the South. Yet no adversary of a United States Bank ever felt himself restrained from opposing and voting against such a Bank as unconstitutional by the fact that the Court had adjudged it otherwise. No one imagines that a decision by that Court that Slavery had no right to enter the territories would have been regarded and treated by the South as the end of controversy on that point. See Mr. John Van Buren on this point, page 213. For Mr. Jefferson's views, see pages 83-4; for Gen. Jackson's, see pages 104-6. But, having obtained, in the Dred Scott case, an opinion that slaveholders might take their human chattels to any territory, and there hold them, claiming ample protection from the Government in so doing, they were fully resolved to make the most of it, and not at all disposed to acquiesce in the suggestion that, on questions essentially political, the American People are a higher a
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing), Van Buren, John 1810-1866 (search)
Van Buren, John 1810-1866 Lawyer; born in Hudson, N. Y., Feb. 18, 1810; son of President Martin Van Buren; graduated at Yale College in 1828; admitted to the bar in Albany, N. Y., in 1830; attorneygeneral of New York State in 1845-46; and for the remainder of his life practised law. He was known as Prince John, from his imposing figure and manners. He died at sea, Oct. 13, 1866. Van Buren, Martin
John Jay Chapman, William Lloyd Garrison, Chapter 8: the Rynders mob (search)
desperadoes who acknowledged his captaincy. His campaigning in behalf of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf of the actor Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May Io, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this atrocity and his successful defense by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot-Proviso meeting in New York — a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and had met with reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentleman in a hotel, but the victim and the witnesses found it prudent not to appear against a ruffian who did not hesitate to threaten the district-attorney in
John Harrison Wilson, The life of Charles Henry Dana, Chapter 13: Vicksburg campaign (search)
hout the enemy believing it could be done, has occupied Grand Gulf, taken Port Hudson, and, effecting a junction with the forces of Banks, has returned up the river to threaten Jackson, and compel the enemy to come out of Vicksburg and fight him on ground of his own choosing. Of course this scheme may miscarry in whole or in parts, but as yet the chances all favor its execution, which is now just ready to begin. It may be that the future will justify you, Greeley, General Scott, and John Van Buren in your idea of letting the wayward sisters go. But I judge that it will be long before the body of the American people will adopt that notion. The strongest sentiment of this people is that for the preservation of the territorial and political integrity of the nation at all costs, and no matter how long it takes. In other words, they prefer to keep up the existing war a little longer, rather than to make arrangements for indefinite wars hereafter, and for other disruptions. Let us h
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
of Polk and Dallas in 1844 secured him the friendly Lib. 15.55. patronage of the successful candidate for Vice-President, Geo. M. Dallas. and he took office as Weigher in the Custom-house of the metropolis. He found time, while thus employed, to engineer the Astor Place riot on behalf of the actor Edwin Forrest; Lib. 19.79. Forrest against his English rival Macready, on May 10, 1849, and the year 1850 opened with his trial for this Lib. 20.24. atrocity and his successful defence by John Van Buren. On February 16 he and his Club broke up an anti-Wilmot Nat. A. S. Standard, 10.20. Proviso meeting in New York—a seeming inconsistency, but it was charged against Rynders that he had offered Lib. 20.86. to give the State of New York to Clay in the election of 1844 for $30,000, and met with a reluctant refusal. In March he was arrested for a brutal assault on a gentleman Lib. 20.43. in a hotel, but the victim and the witnesses found it prudent not to appear against a ruffian who did
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 12: Kossuth.—1852. (search)
, while in Massachusetts the Free Soilers entered into coalition with Lib. 19.178. the Democrats for a division of offices. In 1850 came the Compromise, which still further undermined the Free Soil Party by indefinite postponement of the issue of slavery extension. As the New York Tribune said in 1851, from the point of view of Henry Clay: There being no longer any immediate danger of the extension of slavery, the feeling against it cannot but subside. Lib. 21.125; ante, p. 274. And John Van Buren, taking the stump with Henry B. Stanton and Lib. 22.101, 161. Isaiah Rynders for Frank Pierce in 1852, echoed the sentiment that the need of the Free Soil Party, from Lib. 22.157. which he had ratted, ceased with the passage of the Compromise. The superficiality charged against the party was illustrated in its attitude towards the Fugitive Slave Law. As Wendell Phillips pointed out in a speech at Worcester Lib. 21.130. on August 1, 1851, the Free Soil objections to that statute all
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