Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for John Buren or search for John Buren in all documents.

Your search returned 10 results in 5 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 30: addresses before colleges and lyceums.—active interest in reforms.—friendships.—personal life.—1845-1850. (search)
received a note of thanks from Sumner. This was the beginning of their acquaintance. Frothingham's Life of Ripley, p. 214. John Bigelow recalls that his acquaintance with Sumner began on this anniversary. It has been stated that Seward and John Van Buren were on the platform when the oration was delivered, and that they told Sumner at its conclusion that it was a Free Soil address in disguise. This is probable, though not verified by any record. Sumner remained to attend the Commencement exs on you, and always be Yours truly and faithfully. Again, August 31:— Well, what are you doing? What eloquent speech are you writing; on what charitable work intent? I have recently talked a great deal with your collaborateur, John Van Buren. He is a very able man. I think he is destined to rule our fierce Democracy in New York. His cool, human, sarcastic oratory cuts like a Damask sabre. But he is very different from you. I do not perceive in him the slightest real sympathy w
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
ow evening dine out, or I should insist upon taking him [Whittier] to you. He is staying at the Quincy hotel, in Brattle Street. I regret the sentiments of John Van Buren about mobs, but rejoice that he is right on slavery. I do not know that I should differ very much from him in saying that we have more to fear from the corruy sentiment of Massachusetts has been kept down; it is money, money, money, that keeps Palfrey from being elected. Knowing— these things, it was natural that John Van Buren should say that we had more to fear from wealth than from mobs. He is a politician,—not a philanthropist or moralist, but a politician, like Clay, Winthrop, w. . . . The two years before us will be crucial years, years of the Cross. But I know that better tines will soon come. For God's sake, stand firm! I hope John Van Buren will not allow himself to be enmeshed in any of the tempting arrangements for mere political success. He is so completely committed to our cause that he can
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
Rev. J. P. Thompson. Some Glimpses of Senator Sumner, by J. P. Thompson, D. D. New York Independent, April 30, 1874. John Bigelow came to dine with him; but John Van Buren, who was invited, was unable to accept. From his lodgings at Delmonico's he wrote on the 26th, Thanksgiving Day, letters to relatives and friends, full of teso weakened the confidence of the people in the power of individuals to hold fast to unpopular truths that the meanness of such lesser traitors as Stanton and John Van Buren has excited no surprise. Sumner replied to Mr. Jay, July 8:— I thank you for your watchful friendship. Had I imagined the impatience of friends, I ion. I have been in my seat every day this session. I shall hope to see you on my way through New York, to converse on many things. I regret very much that John Van Buren has gone into this campaign. If he could not oppose Baltimore he should have been silent. Even Weller, with whom has been speaking in New Hampshire, says he
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
ndidates while rejecting the Democratic platform. Thaddeus Stevens, in Pennsylvania, a Whig, while voting for the candidates of his party, persevered in repudiating the Compromise. Politicians, even those who had been noted for antislavery professions, assumed the degrading obligations imposed at Baltimore. The New York Barnburners—W. C. Bryant, B. F. Butler, Mr. Butler is not to be confounded with another of the same name who had a political career in Massachusetts and in Congress. John Van Buren, S. J. Tilden, and H. B. Stanton—turned their backs on those noble protests for freedom which made 1848 an illustrious year in American annals, and supported the Democratic finality candidates. The political opposition to the Compromise at the North was confined to the Free Soilers. Never did American politics sink to so low a point of degradation as at this time. Sumner wrote to Adams, June 21: This is the darkest day of our cause; but truth will prevail. Mr. Webster's partisans,
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
ich the South will have in the next House from the experience of Stephens and Cobb, re-elected from Georgia, and the whole late delegation of Virginia, while most of our Northern men will be fresh. We seem to approach success; but I shall not be disappointed if we are again baffled. Our cause is so great that it can triumph only slowly; but its triumph is sure. To John Jay, October 18:— The K. N.'s here behave badly. Our contest seems to be with them. What a fall is that of John Van Buren! The ghost of 1848 must rise before him sometimes. In the summer and autumn there was another effort in Massachusetts to combine all who were opposed to the aggressions of slavery under the name of the Republican party; and for a time it bid fair to succeed. Its candidate for governor was Julius Rockwell, recently Sumner's Whig colleague in the Senate. The antislavery members of the Know Nothing order joined in it, as well as a considerable body of voters hitherto Whigs. A Whig