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The writings of John Greenleaf Whittier, Volume 6. (ed. John Greenleaf Whittier), Old portraits and modern Sketches (search)
himself predicted, the efforts of his friends to procure his nomination failed; but the same generous appreciators of his rare worth were soon after more successful in their exertions in his behalf. He received from President Van Buren the appointment of the mission to Guatemala,—an appointment which, in addition to honorable employment in the service of his country, promised him the advantages of a sea voyage and a change of climate, for the restoration of his health. The course of Martin Van Buren on the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia forms, in the estimation of many of his best friends, by no means the most creditable portion of his political history; but it certainly argues well for his magnanimity and freedom from merely personal resentment that he gave this appointment to the man who had animadverted upon that course with the greatest freedom, and whose rebuke of the veto pledge, severe in its truth and justice, formed the only discord in the paean of partisan
in the years just preceding. The long controversy with the First Parish concerning the town's rights in the meeting house had been settled—adversely to the town—the result of two centuries union of church and state. During the years of controversy, the town had erected a town-house at a cost (including land) of $10,062, that was destined to serve town and city for eighty years. In this new building convened the March meeting of 1837 (on the sixth). Two days before, in Washington, Martin Van Buren was inaugurated eighth president of the United States. Though during the previous eight years administration of Andrew Jackson the national debt had been discharged and surplus distributed, 1837 was a year of widespread financial panic. But it speaks well for Medford's citizens and administrators of that time that it was an era of publicity, and that six town meetings (by warrant or adjournment) prior to that of November were held in that new town hall. At the first meeting for town
e — a period of fifty-eight years. Within that time he has been Governor of a Territory, Indian Superintendent, Secretary of War, Minister to France, United States Senator for twelve years, candidate for President, and Secretary of State. When he leaves the Secretary of State's Department, in 1861, he will complete a service of about sixty years in the high offices of the government. He is, indeed, the patriarch of our statesmen, so far as length of official service is concerned. Martin Van Buren, while he has not been in office as long as some of our statesmen, is the only one who has filled the four highest, most dignified and powerful positions under the American Constitution. He has been Minister to England, Secretary of State, President and Vice President. His public life commenced in 1808, as Surrogate of Columbia county, New York, which he left for the State Senate, and then as Attorney General of the State, United States Senator, Governor, Minister to England, Secretar
The Daily Dispatch: March 19, 1861., [Electronic resource], The points in the Constitution of the Confederate States. (search)
mproving Mobile harbor, and vice versa. In a word, those who receive the benefits, will have to pay for them. This provision he considered wise and just. In the third place — and this is a very important improvement upon the old Constitution --the public money is protected. We have been accustomed, in the old country, to hear the Presidents charged with the extravagance of the public expenditures. Thus we had heard of the extravagances of John Quincy Adams, of Andrew Jackson, of Martin Van Buren, and, finally, of Jas. Buchanan; but these extravagances were not really chargeable to the presidents. Their estimates of the probable expenditures had fallen short of the reality; thus, in some cases, the expenditures had increased two or three millions over the estimates; and, in the case of Mr. Buchanan, as much as twenty millions. His estimates were sixty millions, and yet Congress had appropriated eighty millions. It was generally the fault of the Congress, and the result of log
The New York Anti-Renters. We observe that the highest Court of New York has pronounced a decision which gives a final quietus to the agitations of the Anti-Renters. Theirs has been an old and fiercely disputed quarrel. Judge Hogeboorn, the eminent Judge by whom the final decision has been made, is a native of the county of Columbia, which has been the scene of so much discord. The Anti-Rent spirit is older than the Judge; it was quite vigorous, as long ago as he was a law student, and manifested itself in a most pugnacious form when Martin Van Buren was a young lawyer. We are glad to hear that it is at last knocked in the head.--May New York emerge ultimately from her conflicts with the whole disorganizing tribe of Anti's as successfully as she has at last done from that of Anti-Rent!
ucation, and in that respect has the advantage of Lincoln and some of his colleagues; but his history proves that he is, like all the rest of the United States Cabinet, a cultivated demagogue, and nothing more. In many respects he resembles Martin Van Buren, of his own State, having the same unscrupulous cunning, the same scheming, wire-working, partisan character; the same supple conscience; the same narrowness of aim, and the same cold, imperturbable temperament.--Each of these men began his political career and continued it by pandering to the base passions of the ignorant and degraded; Martin Van Buren fomenting the anti-rent disturbances in Columbia county, and Seward bestriding the hobby of anti-Masonry. Abolitionism has also been used by both men simply and exclusively as a political instrument. It is a well known fact that Wm. H. Seward, when in the Senate of the United States, after a speech most earnest and pointed in its denunciation of Southern institutions, has been ask
r rascal than John C. Fremont himself. But not so fast, ill-natured critic! Was Thurlow Weed ever found out? That is the question. In this exemplary and decent world, the essence of crime seems to consist in the discovery, and not in the commission. Thurlow Weed has been a political and newspaper leader of New York for half a century, and has been accused of more trickery, tergiversation, bargain, intrigue, and corruption than any other politician in his native State, not excepting Martin Van Buren and Wm. H. Seward. But in the poetic language of the African chicken thief, "Prove it 'pon me, then I'll own it." No one ever proved upon Weed one of the ten thousand enormities he has been accused of; nor has he ever been displaced from official position on account of imprudence. How sadly has Fremont disappointed the expectations of his venerable friend. When Thurlow Weed rebukes a rascal, what a fool as well as rogue the object of his virtuous censure must be! But what are we
The will of ex-President Van Buren has been admitted to probate at Hudson. It is dated January 18, 1860, and commences as follows: "I, Martin Van Buren, of the town of Kinderhook, county of Columbia, and State of New York, heretofore Governor of the State, and more recently President of the United States, but for the last and happiest year of my life a farmer in my native town, do make and declare the following to be my last will and testament," etc.
esire a postponement of the Baltimore Convention till September, simply because they have been caught napping, and want time to intrigue and to buy up the trading politicians among the delegates to suit their purposes. Postponed or not, the Convention will be but a gathering of trading politicians, and some incompetent candidate may be expected.--From the beginning of these national party conventions we may date the beginning of our present troubles. The first convention candidate was Martin Van Buren, and his convention successors, Harrison, Polk Taylor, poor Pierce, poor old Buchanan, and Lincoln, the joker, are a sorry catalogue. The time has fully come when the responsible representatives of the people in Congress should again take this matter of the Presidential nominations into their own hands. Under this system — from 1800 to 1824--we had such Presidents as Jefferson, Madison and Monroe; and in resuming it we are confident that a Congressional cancus will return to our f
day or night; and yet not one single step has been taken by our legislators for the renovation of our armies, for the amelioration of our currency; for the restoration of confidence to our people, for any object whatever that can have the remotest bearing upon our defence against the vengeance of our implacable enemies. They spend their time in talking, just as if the old days of log cabins and hard cider were here again. They appear to have fallen asleep under the administration of Martin Van Buren, and never to have become thoroughly awake. And while they are postponing every bill that can be useful in this emergency, the enemy is raising heaven and earth to recruit his armies. The disasters which we have suffered of late are not only not irreparable, but they are not so great as others we have suffered on other occasions. But the people have been more depressed by them than they ever were before, because they had been flattered with hopes of peace by persons who well knew
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