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Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 126 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 115 1 Browse Search
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 14. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones) 94 0 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 64 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 42 0 Browse Search
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders. 38 0 Browse Search
Rebellion Record: a Diary of American Events: Documents and Narratives, Volume 1. (ed. Frank Moore) 36 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 34 0 Browse Search
Benson J. Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Civil War. Volume 1. 28 0 Browse Search
Jefferson Davis, The Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government 24 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for John C. Calhoun or search for John C. Calhoun in all documents.

Your search returned 17 results in 9 document sections:

Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 2: the Irish address.—1842. (search)
e futile, and the mutineers were ultimately discharged (Lib. 12: 42). Webster, as Secretary of State, conducted the diplomatic correspondence through Edward Everett at the court of St. James (Lib. 12: 34), prostituting his intellect in support of the Government's right to demand from the whole human race respect to the municipal law of Southern slavery—to use Channing's words in review of Webster, in his pamphlet on the Duty of the Free States (Lib. 12: 55, 57, 61, 65, 105). In the Senate, Calhoun led the furious Southern clamor for reparation or war (Lib. 11: 211; 12: 10). In the House, Joshua R. Giddings stood for the North in manly resolutions denying any offence against the laws of the United States on the part of the Creole mutineers, or any Constitutional right on the part of the Government to pursue them, or to strengthen the coastwise slave-trade—as the Secretary of the Navy proposed to do by a gunboat patrol (Lib. 12.30, 31), and denouncing these proceedings as a national di
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 4: no union with slaveholders!—1844. (search)
ically (in this Presidential year) against its candidate, J. G. Birney, Lib. 14.19. as well as against Henry Clay, the predestined nominee of the Whig Party, and Calhoun and Van Buren, possible candidates of the Democratic Party. The behavior of the Society in all these circumstances was admirable, Ms. Jan. 30, 1844. wrote Edmok no part in the Convention in order to reserve liberty of action in case Van Buren (a nominal anti-annexationist) should be chosen. Lib. 14.71, 72. The Upshur-Calhoun treaty with Texas, lost in the Senate, Lib. 14.95. was to be reinstated at the polls. The monster mass meetings of both parties, all over the country, absorbed would anticipate a conflict Lib. 14.198. with the United States by making one directly with Massachusetts—the Fort Moultrie State against the Bunker Hill State. Calhoun's organ, the South Carolinian, hoped no lawyer would take a fee from Mr. Hoar. Both branches of the Legislature called upon the Governor Lib. 14.202. to expel h
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 5: Texas.—1845. (search)
resolution merely echoed his own utterances in the Legislature, and that body's agreement with him. He confessed sadly to have learned that the people at large were not behind him, that they were divided, and that a low tone must be adopted towards them. In other words, a right public sentiment had to be created, and to that end Wendell Phillips, while approving his friend's resolution, at the same time urged that a committee be formed. As to disunion, he remarked, it must and will come. Calhoun wants it at one end of the Union— Garrison wants it at the other. It is written in the counsels of God. Meantime, let all classes and orders and interests unite in using the present hour to prevent the consummation of this annexation of Texas. Lib. 15.177. A State Anti-Texas Committee resulted from a mass Lib. 15.178. meeting held in Faneuil Hall on November 4, with Charles Francis Adams in the chair; the stirring resolutions being offered by John G. Palfrey, the Massachusetts Secre
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 7: first Western tour.—1847. (search)
se protestants, and made so near an Lib. 17.43. approach to enacting gradual emancipation for herself Lib. 17.42. that Calhoun, forecasting the balance of power in Lib. 17.34. Congress, reckoned her on the side of the free States. Significant, lions Bill—or the measure Lib. 17.42. providing for the purchase of a peace with Mexico—it was met in the Senate by John C. Calhoun, in the most important speech of the year. He showed that the slave Feb. 19, 1847; Lib. 17.34. States were alreadyfourteen. It was now proposed to stay Southern increase, and give full play to Northern preponderance. Sir, declared Calhoun, the day that the balance between Lib. 17.34. the two sections of the country—the slaveholding States and the nonucing a mighty reaction against the Slave Power, and, out of the slave States, is generally regarded with abhorrence. Mr. Calhoun, who is the Napoleon of slavery, is evidently anticipating a Waterloo defeat, in due season. You will see his speech <
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 8: the Anti-Sabbath Convention.—1848. (search)
consideration, when the South was forced to admit Oregon Lib. 18.130. with its prohibition of slavery—Polk assenting on the Lib. 18.133; 19.18. pretext that the new State lay north of the Missouri Compromise parallel if protracted (as he, like Calhoun, would 36° 30′. have had it); when, in the House of Representatives, the Committee on Territories was instructed to bring in a bill Lib. 18.202; 19.1. to organize New Mexico and California as free Territories; and the Committee on the Districtsumption that the free status of the Northwestern Territory was debatable, and to make a nominal concession to Oregon serve as a counter in the game to win New Mexico and California for slavery. Amid all this, the contemner of compromise, John C. Calhoun, passed most unhappy days. He had, as Secretary of State, engineered the annexation of Texas, in order to Lib. 17.33. forestall British (and therefore abolition) possession, but he was no manifest destiny filibuster, and he was filled with
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 9: Father Mathew.—1849. (search)
Lib. 19.190. from the greatest man of the age, and directly began his Southern tour by way of the Federal capital. The South Carolina Temperance Advocate having cleared his character as a fanatic or anti-slavery helper, he had promised Judge John Belton O'Neall, President of the State Temperance Society—the same who would have hung John Ante, p. 152. L. Brown for running off a female slave, and who brought upon himself all O'Connell's contempt and sarcasm— that he would visit the home of Calhoun. Meanwhile, however, he had been notified by Judge Lumpkin, President of the Georgia State Temperance Joseph Henry Lumpkin. Society, and evidently not a man of one idea, that the invitation extended by that body, and accepted, was revoked—at least pending an explanation. The Judge had been supplied with a copy of the Irish Address of 1842, with Father Mathew's signature, and wrote to ask Lib. 19.194. him if the document was genuine. The Apostle hesitated long, and then sent the meres<
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
years and ten, and standing on the brink of the grave,—two of them gray and extinct volcanoes of Presidential ambition, the third still glowing cavernously,—Clay, Calhoun, and Webster worked, in unequal and even discordant partnership, to establish a new reign of terror for anti-slavery fanatics and ensure the lasting domination ofst honest and defensible of all the enemies of our institutions—and such will be the judgment of impartial history—they might, indeed, agitate, but impotently. Calhoun's glazed eye, almost fixed in death, saw more clearly than Clay's. His last speech, read for him in the Senate, protested not against the Kentuckian's aims in beh Lib. 20: 81). Captain Rynders then resumed his seat. Mr. Garrison then proceeded: Shall we look to the Episcopal church for hope? It was the boast of John C. Calhoun, Ante, p. 275. shortly before his death, that that church was impregnable to anti-slavery. That vaunt was founded on truth, for the Episcopal clergy and la
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 13: the Bible Convention.—1853. (search)
and feathers! What a glorious Union it is that we are enjoying! How worthy of preservation! Alas! the Union is but another name for the iron reign of the Slave Power. We have no common country, as yet. God grant we may have! We have no common Union, as yet. God grant we may have! We shall have it when the jubilee comes—and not till then. The American Anti-Slavery Society met in New York Lib. 23:[78], 81. city at the Chinese Assembly Room on May 11, 1853, amid the utmost quiet. Calhoun, and Clay, and Webster had, as Mr. Garrison pointed out, been translated since 1850. Lib. 23.81. Was there no one to give the signal to Rynders to save the Union once more by mobbing the abolitionists away for another term of years? Could Mr. Garrison, unchecked, mention as signs of progress the blotting out of those pillars of the Slave Power, the Jerry rescue, the armed stand against the Fugitive Slave Law at Christiana, the success of Uncle Tom's Cabin? So it appeared. Douglass, too,
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 14: the Nebraska Bill.—1854. (search)
States, or to Italy, Spain, and France,—was thrown open to slavery, though expressly dedicated to freedom by the Missouri Compromise, as lying wholly north of 36° 30′. This revolutionary proceeding threatened to divide by a Lib. 24.23. great wedge the free States of the Pacific Coast from those of the interior and the East, and to give to the Slave Power the exclusive control of the Mississippi Valley. The Compromise of 1850 had left the Missouri Compromise untouched and unquestioned. Calhoun—grant him Southern California and New Mexico for slavery—was ready, if reluctant, to protract the dividing parallel to the Ante, p. 217. Pacific. Lewis Cass, in his famous letter to A. O. P. Greeley's Struggle for Slavery Extension, p. 47. Nicholson, December 24, 1847, laid down a principle of squatter sovereignty broad enough, indeed, for all the Territories of the United States, yet intended for immediate application only to the imminent acquisitions from Mexico. Stephen A. Douglas,