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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 152 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 100 0 Browse Search
John G. Nicolay, A Short Life of Abraham Lincoln, condensed from Nicolay and Hayes' Abraham Lincoln: A History 92 0 Browse Search
Elias Nason, McClellan's Own Story: the war for the union, the soldiers who fought it, the civilians who directed it, and his relations to them. 79 1 Browse Search
Benjamnin F. Butler, Butler's Book: Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benjamin Butler 67 1 Browse Search
John F. Hume, The abolitionists together with personal memories of the struggle for human rights 56 0 Browse Search
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874. 46 0 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 40 2 Browse Search
Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 26 0 Browse Search
The Daily Dispatch: February 29, 1864., [Electronic resource] 25 1 Browse Search
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Robert Underwood Johnson, Clarence Clough Buell, Battles and Leaders of the Civil War: The Opening Battles. Volume 1., Organization of the two governments. (search)
Maine), appointed Feb. 12, 1861. Ii. The Lincoln Administration. (1861-1865.) President: Abraham Lincoln (Ill.) Vice-President: Hannibal Hamlin (Maine). Department of State. Secretary of State: William H. Seward (New York). War Department. Secretary of War: Simon Cameron (Pa.) Secretary of War: Edwin M. Stanton (Pa.), appointed Jan. 15, 1862. Navy Department. Secretary of the Navy: Gideon Welles (Conn.) Treasury Department. Secretary of the Treasury: Salmon P. Chase (Ohio) Secretary of the Treasury: W. P. Fessenden (Maine), appointed July 1, 1864 Secretary of the Treasury: Hugh McCulloch (Ind.), appointed March 7, 1865. Interior Department. Secretary of the Interior: Caleb B. Smith (Ind.) Secretary of the Interior: John P. Usher (Ind.), appointed January 8, 1863. Department of justice. Attorney-General: Edward Bates (Mo.) Attorney-General: James Speed (Ky.), appointed Dec. 2, 1864. Post-office. Postmaster-General: Mont
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee, Chapter 11: Chancellorsville. (search)
iseum. The night that Lee heard of the Federal advance crossing the Potomac, a new commander was in the saddle. Fighting Joe Hooker had fought his last battle as an army commander. Halleck, after the battle of Chancellorsville, did not want to trust Hooker with the management of another battle, and had been sustained in his opinion by Mr. Lincoln and Secretary Stanton at a council held between them. It was even said that politics was dragged into the subject, and that the friends of Mr. Chase, a prospective presidential candidate, were bound up in the fortunes of Hooker, and that they interposed to prevent his removal, for the general who should conquer the rebellion would have the disposal of the next presidency. The friends of presidential aspirants were on the lookout for the right military alliance, and it was stated that if it should be Hooker's fortune to bring the war to a successful close nothing would induce him to accept other than military honors in recognition of h
Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee, Index. (search)
Carter, Anne Hill, 16. Carter, Charles Hill, 16. Casey, General, Silas, 167. Catumseh, a chief, 73. Cavalry contest at Gettysburg, 298. Cavalry raids, 266. Cemetery Heights, 292. Cemetery Hill, 273. Cemetery Ridge, 289-296. Cerro Gordo, battle of, 38, 40. Chambliss, General John R., killed, 362. Champe, Sergeant, 9. Chancellorsville, battle of, 241. Chapman, Major, William, 63. Chapultepec, battle of, 41, 42. Charleston Harbor, 86. Charles II, 3, 4. Chase, Salmon P., 268. Chester Gap, 307. Childe, Edward, 19. Childe, Matilda Lee, 19, 60. Chilton, R. H., mentioned, 159. Clay, Henry, mentioned, 32. Clitz, General, Henry, 172. Cobb, General Thomas R., mentioned, 231; killed at Fredericksburg, 233. Cocke, Mrs. Elizabeth R., 402. Coleston's division, 25. Comanches, tribe of, 72. Confederate cavalry, 387. Confederate Congress, 93. Confederate conscription, 350. Confederate currency, 350, 402. Confederate rations, 350, 367,
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Xxvi. (search)
the insertion of the word maintain, which I feared under the circumstances was promising more than it was quite probable we could carry out. The bill empowering the Secretary of the Treasury to sell the surplus gold had recently passed, and Mr. Chase was then in New York, giving his attention personally to the experiment. Governor Curtin referred to this, saying, I see by the quotations that Chase's movement has already knocked gold down several per cent. This gave occasion for the strongChase's movement has already knocked gold down several per cent. This gave occasion for the strongest expression I ever heard fall from the lips of Mr. Lincoln. Knotting his face in the intensity of his feeling, he said, Curtin, what do you think of those fellows in Wall Street, who are gambling in gold at such a time as this? They are a set of sharks, returned Curtin. For my part, continued the President, bringing his clinched hand down upon the table, I wish every one of them had his devilish head shot off!
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, XXVII. (search)
rstand me, because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the difficulties which have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement. And I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God's will, I will do! I trust that, in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views, I have not in any respect injured your feelings. In further evidence of this peculiarity of his mind, I will state that notwithstanding his apparent hesitation in the appointment of a successor to Judge Taney, it, is well known to his most intimate friends, that there had never been a time during his Presidency, when, in the event of the death of Judge Taney, he had not fully intended and expected to nominate Salmon P. Chase for Chief Justice. These were his very words uttered in connection with this subject.
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Xxix. (search)
given of a leading article which appeared in the New York Independent, upon the withdrawal of Mr. Chase from the political canvass of 1864, widely copied by the country press, in which it was stated that the concluding paragraph of the proclamation was from the pen of Secretary Chase. One of Mr. Lincoln's intimate friends, who felt that there was an impropriety in this publication, at that time, for which Mr. Chase was in some degree responsible, went to see the President about it. Oh, said Mr. Lincoln, with his characteristic simplicity and freedom from all suspicion, Mr. Chase had nothiMr. Chase had nothing to do with it; I think I mentioned the circumstance to Mr. Tilton, myself. The facts in the case are these: While the measure was pending, Mr. Chase submitted to the President a draft of a procMr. Chase submitted to the President a draft of a proclamation embodying his views upon the subject, which closed with the appropriate and solemn words referred to: And upon this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice warranted by the Constitut
Francis B. Carpenter, Six Months at the White House, Xxx. (search)
Xxx. Mr. Chase told me that at the Cabinet meeting, immediately after the battle of Antietam, and just prior to the issue of the September Proclamation, the President entered upon the business before them, by saying that the time for the annunciation of the emancipation policy could be no longer delayed. Public sentiment, he thought, would sustain it — many of his warmest friends and supporters demanded it--and he had promised his God that he would do it! The last part of this was uttered in a low tone, and appeared to be heard by no one but Secretary Chase, who was sitting near him. He asked the President if he correctly understood him. Mr. Lincoln replied: I made a solemn vow before God, that if General Lee was driven back from Pennsylvania, I would crown the result by the declaration of freedom to the slaves. In February 1865, a few days after the passage of the Constitutional amendment, I went to Washington, and was received by Mr. Lincoln with the kindness and familia
ng other questions which the people are just now caring about, and it will result in gaining no single electoral vote in the South, and losing every one in the North. --Ms. letter to M. W. Delahay.--hearers and were enthusiastically approved. By the close of the year he was back again in the dingy law office in Springfield. The opening of the year 1860 found Mr. Lincoln's name freely mentioned in connection with the Republican nomination for the Presidency. To be classed with Seward, Chase, McLean, and other celebrities was enough to stimulate any Illinois lawyer's pride; but in Mr. Lincoln's case, if it had any such effect, he was most artful in concealing it. Now and then some ardent friend, an editor, for example, would run his name up to the mast-head, but in all cases he discouraged the attempt. In regard to the matter you spoke of, he answered one man who proposed his name, I beg that you will not give it a further mention. Seriously, I do not think I am fit for the Pr
, I have enough to bear now, but yet I care nothing for them. If I'm right I'll live, and if wrong I'll die anyhow; so let them fight at me unrestrained. My playful response would be, The way to learn is to hear both sides. I once assured him Chase and certain others who were scheming to supplant him ought to be restrained in their evil designs. Do good to them who hate you, was his generous answer, and turn their ill — will into friendship. I often told Mr. Lincoln that God would not lon some special subject. He frequently said, I know more about it than any of them. It is absurd to call him a modest man. No great man was ever modest. It was his intellectual arrogance and unconscious assumption of superiority that men like Chase and Sumner never could forgive. I believe that Lincoln is well understood by the people; but there is a patent-leather, kid-glove set who know no more of him than an owl does of a comet blazing into his blinking eyes. Bancroft's eulogy on Lin
ade himself the Mecca to which all politicians made pilgrimages. He told them all a story, said nothing, and sent them away. All his efforts to procure a second nomination were in the same direction. I believe he earnestly desired that nomination. He was much more eager for it than he was for the first, and yet from the beginning he discouraged all efforts on the part of his friends to obtain it. From the middle of his first term all his adversaries were busily at work for themselves. Chase had three or four secret societies and an immense patronage extending all over the country. Fremont was constantly at work, yet Lincoln would never do anything either to hinder them or to help himself. He was considered too conservative, and his adversaries were trying to outstrip him in satisfying the radical element. I had a conversation with him upon this subject in October, 1863, and tried to induce him to recommend in his annual message a constitutional amendment abolishing slaver
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