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William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 8: during the civil war (search)
of faith in the success of the Republican party was not overcome, and in writing to G. E. Baker on April 28, 1859, he said: I lack faith that the antislavery men of this country have either the numbers or the sagacity required to make a President. I do not believe there are a hundred thousand earnest antislavery-men in this State, or a million in the Union .... Slavery has not another body of servitors half so useful and efficient as the most rabid Abolitionists . ... I hope Seward or Chase will be nominated on the platform of 1856, and then I will go to work for him with a will, but with perfect certainty that we are to be horribly beaten. I only want to be in such a shape that, when the thing is over, I can say, I told you so. I don't believe the time ever has been (or soon will be) when, on a square issue, the Republicans could or can poll one hundred electoral votes. But let her drive. Weed's Autobiography, II, p. 255. Greeley attended the National Republican Co
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 9: Greeley's presidential campaign-his death (search)
he Brown program had reached a majority of the delegates, and very many of them were ignorant of the light in which it was regarded by their chairman. The first ballot resulted as follows: Greeley147 Brown95 Adams205 Curtin62 Trumbull110 Chase2ZZZ Davis922 This vote aroused the enthusiasm of the Adams supporters, but evidence of the Brown-Greeley deal was supplied at once. As soon as the result was announced the chairman, reading from a slip of paper which he held in his hand, isty and the purity of his aims. The body lay in state for a day in the City Hall, where it was viewed by more than fifty thousand persons, and among the attendants at the funeral were the President and Vice-President of the United States, Chief Justice Chase, and leading United States Senators. The burial took place in Greenwood Cemetery, Brooklyn. The printers of the United States began at once a movement to erect over his grave a bust of the veteran editor made of melted newspaper type, an
s, which indispensable estimate-however the war might be pushed for a time on credit — there could be no possible way of meeting unless by modes of direct taxation, in income taxes, excises, etc. The Northern Government had the most serious reasons to distrust the Wall street combination, and to put itself out of the power of capitalists, who were plainly aggrieved by the prospect, that was now being steadily developed, of a long and expensive war. A Cabinet council was called, and Mr. Secretary Chase proposed a new plan of national loan. It was to make a direct appeal to the people to provide means for the prosecution of the war. Outside of the Cabinet, at whose board the plan was reported to have been well received, it met with the most strenuous objections. In these distresses and embarrassments of the Government, the bellicose elements of the North, resenting all prospects of peace, became more exacting than ever, and even accusatory of the authorities at Washington. The
, yet our prisoners during all this time were continually brought to it, and subjected to certain infection. Neither do we find evidences of amendment on the part of our enemies, notwithstanding the boasts of the sanitary commission. At Nashville, prisoners recently captured from General Hood's army, even when sick and wounded, have been cruelly deprived of all nourishment suited to their condition; and other prisoners from he same army have been carried into the infected Camps Douglas and Chase. Many of the soldiers of General Hood's army were frost-bitten by being kept day and night in an exposed condition before they were put into Camp Douglas. Their sufferings are truthfully depicted in the evidence. At Alton and Camp Morton the same Inhuman practice of putting our prisoners into camps infected by small-pox, prevailed. It was equivalent to murdering many of them by the torture of a contagious disease. The insufficient rations at Camp Morton forced our men to appease thei
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 8 (search)
the road without being soiled by too close contact with the rough pioneers who threw it up. They are wise and honorable, and their silence is very expressive. When I speak of their eminent position and acknowledged ability, another thought strikes me. Who converted these men and their distinguished associates? It is said we have shown neither sagacity in plans, nor candor in discussion, nor ability. Who, then, or what, converted Burlingame and Wilson, Sumner and Adams, Palfrey and Mann, Chase and Hale, and Phillips and Giddings? Who taught the Christian Register, the Daily Advertiser, and that class of prints, that there were such things as a slave and a slaveholder in the land, and so gave them some more intelligent basis than their mere instincts to hate William Lloyd Garrison? [Shouts and laughter.] What magic wand was it whose touch made the toadying servility of the land start up the real demon that it was, and at the same time gathered into the slave's service the profess
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 19 (search)
. Therefore the compact, energetic, organized Seaboard, with the press in its hand, rules, spite of the wide-spread, inert, unorganized West. While the agricultural frigate is getting its broadside ready, the commercial clipper has half finished its slave voyage. In spite of Lincoln's wishes, therefore, I fear he will never be able to stand against Seward, Adams, half the Republican wire-pullers, and the Seaboard. But even now, if Seward and the rest had stood firm, as Lincoln, Sumner, Chase, Wade, and Lovejoy, and the Tribune have hitherto done, I believe you might have polled the North, and had a response, three to one: Let the Union go to pieces, rather than yield one inch. I know no sublimer hour in history. The sight of these two months is compensation for a life of toil. Never let Europe taunt us again that our blood is wholly cankered by gold. Our people stood, willing their idolized government should go to pieces for an idea. True, other nations have done so. Englan
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 22 (search)
ligent interference in the action of the government. When I was here a year ago, I said I thought the President needed the advice of great bodies of prominent men. That has taken a year. The New York Chamber of Commerce, the Common Council, and the Defence Committee, have just led the way. Some of the Western Councils have followed, it is said. Let us hope that they may have decisive effect at Washington; but I do not believe they will. I do not believe there is in that Cabinet — Seward, Chase, Stanton, Wells, or the President of the country — enough to make a leader. If McClellan should capitulate in his swamp, if Johnston should take Washington, if Butler should be driven out of New Orleans, if those ten fabulous iron ships from England at Mobile could be turned into realities, and Palmerston acknowledge the Confederacy, I should have hope . for I do not believe these nineteen millions of people mean to be beaten; and if they do, I do not believe they can afford to be beaten.
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 26 (search)
Butler, Phelps, and Fremont [loud applause], Sigel, who mean that this Union shall mean justice at any rate, and that if it does not mean justice it shall not exist; who know no nation except one that secures liberty. [Applause.] These are the men who are to shape the policy and guide the thunderbolts of the government. [Applause.] The cook takes an onion and peels off layer after layer till she gets to the sweet, sound vegetable. So you will have to peel off Seward and Halleck, Blair and Chase [laughter], till you get to the sound national element of civil and military purpose, the earnest belief, the single-hearted, intense devotion to victory, the entire belief in justice, which can cope with Stonewall Jackson. [Applause.] Never till then shall we succeed. I have compared General Halleck and General Fremont. You may take another parallel. One is Seward, and another is Butler. Seward does not believe in war, but in diplomacy or compromise. He has prophesied again and agai
rpenter, Francis L.,21Taunton, Ma.Dec. 12, 1864Aug. 11, 1865, expiration of service. Carter, John F.,24Boston, Ma.July 31, 1861Jan. 16, 1864, disability. Carroll, John, Jr.,21Barnstable, Ma.Sept. 2, 1864June 11, 1865, expiration of service. Carney, Joseph,26Reading, Ma.Dec. 9, 1863Aug. 11, 1865, expiration of service. Caswell, Joseph L.,23Boston, Ma.July 31, 1861Aug. 16, 1864, expiration of service. Chadbourne, Bradford H.,38Boston, Ma.July 31, 1861Aug. 16, 1864, expiration of service. Chase, Stephen J.,44Boston, Ma.Jan. 8, 1864Aug. 11, 1865, expiration of service. Second Battery Light Artillery, Massachusetts Volunteers—(three years.)—Continued. Name and Rank.Age.Residence orDate of Muster.Termination of Service and Cause Thereof. Place Credited to. Childs, Ralph,42Colrain, Ma.Sept. 6, 1864June 11, 1865, expiration of service. Clayton, Herbert,21Boston, Ma.Feb. 3, 1864Aug. 11, 1865, expiration of service. Clark, James,32Somerville, Ma.Mar. 18, 1864Deserted, never jo<
Mary Thacher Higginson, Thomas Wentworth Higginson: the story of his life, XII: the Black regiment (search)
giments. Any disaster, he wrote to his mother on May 18, 1863, or failure on our part would now do little harm . . . .There is no doubt that for many months the fate of the whole movement for colored soldiers rested on the behavior of this one regiment. A mutiny, an extensive desertion, an act of severe discipline, a Bull Run panic, a simple defeat, might have blasted the whole movement for arming the blacks. . . . Col. Littlefield (30 regiment S. C.V. in future) says that Secretary Chase told him the Cabinet at Washington kept their whole action in regard to enlisting colored troops waiting to hear from us in Florida, and when the capture of Jacksonville was known, the whole question was regarded as settled, the policy avowed, and Adjutant General Thomas sent out on his mission. This is, I think, the best expression of the importance of our action that has yet occurred. The other is the saying of one of our men who was asked if he belonged to Col. Montgomery's regim
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