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mportant to the Republican party as the party was to him. He had not wanted the nomination and the party had wanted the prestige of his name at the polls. He was not now grateful to the party, for he believed that if the party leaders could have done without him they never would have nominated him. And it is true that he was not the choice of the leaders, who doubted his political ability and distrusted even yet his political fidelity; he was forced upon them by the rank and file. Stanton, Chase, Greeley, Sumner—all would have preferred a purely political man. Grant knew this. He refused from the first to take any active part in the campaign. When the trial of the President was concluded and Congress adjourned, he set out for his little home in Galena to get away from arrangements and conferences. The party managers were very much annoyed by this course. Nearly all his friends thought it unwise, and those who were intimate enough advised against it. He was now, they said, the
t him and demolish whatever of a policy Johnson had been able to establish by obstinacy or circumstance or craft. At the Capitol another of Grant's rivals, Chief-Justice Chase, administered the oath of that office which he had himself so earnestly hoped and striven to attain. And thus the highest honor that any American can obt To-morrow before 10 A. M. at my house, or between 1 A. M. and 3 P. M. at the Executive Mansion. U. S. G. The meeting took place in the Cabinet room, and Chase presented the Bible, expressing a hope that its contents might enable Grant to fill his high office worthily. The Chief-Justice must have required a full share octure also, Rawlins was constantly urging that Grant should have no men about him who could possibly become his rivals. He was always pointing to the trouble that Chase and Seward and other aspirants had made in Lincoln's Cabinet, and declared that a man who would not subordinate his own ambition to that of his chief should not be
and admired; and with a feminine insight she comprehended both the petty craft and the important ambitions that underlie so many of the ceremonies of official life at Washington as well as in aristocratic capitals. When Grant was overmodest, or willing to let himself be passed by, there was always the mentor to caution and urge and stimulate and advise; and sometimes the mentor was needed. I recall an instance in which I contended for a while against Mrs. Sprague, the daughter of Chief-Justice Chase. Everybody in Washington, Cabinet Ministers, foreign envoys, Senators, even the Judges of the Supreme Court, hurried to call on General Grant after his brilliant successes in the war; the ordinary Washington etiquette of visiting was broken down for him. But the Chief-Justice did not call. He considered himself the second person in the country, the next after the President in position, as under ordinary circumstances he certainly would have been. Besides this he was an aspirant for
oment entertained the idea of appointing him. There was, indeed, little congruity between the plain and almost rugged soldier, used to war and actual strife, to directing armies and planning campaigns, and the polished rhetorician, the elaborate student of phrases, the man of the closet, the Senate, and of society. Sumner always felt—perhaps with many others—that the career of the soldier should have closed with the war. Arma cedant togoe was always in their hearts, if not upon their lips. Chase, and Seward, and Stanton, and some of their successors, felt themselves better equipped in the arts of statesmanship than they believed any mere warrior could be, and they were undoubtedly jealous of the civic honors given to those who, they thought, should have been content with military rewards. But the people did not agree with them. It was a foregone conclusion from the close of the war that Grant should be the next President. In all ages the successful commander is the most generall
his recovery. Now, however, I fear the chances are largely against it. But by the time this reaches you more certainty will be felt one way or the other. The crime is a disgrace to our country, and yet cannot be punished as it deserves. I have been very busy, though not accomplishing much, which must be my excuse for not writing sooner. In September Garfield died, and Grant had the strange fate of following the coffin of another of his great opponents. He had been at the funerals of Chase, Sumner, Motley, and Greeley, and now of Garfield. In every instance the disputes of earth were hushed in the awful presence of that antagonist who overcomes each of us in our turn; but in Garfield's case the solemnity was greater still, for the pall of the dead President reminded his predecessor of that other and even greater martyrdom which had occurred in the same capital, and of that funeral in which he had followed another and greater President. The next obsequies at which the Nation
im, but it came too late, or only in time to soothe his dying hours. He never sat on the bench to which he had been elevated, and within a week Grant went to the same house to Stanton's funeral. When one remembers the great men whom that great era developed, the positions they occupied, the achievements they performed, the ambitions they cherished, and how almost invariably their careers came to a disastrous close, the littleness of worldly success is terribly and sadly taught. Seward, Chase, Sumner, Stanton, and Greeley all aspired to the Presidency, and each died without reaching the goal, each under the shadow of defeat and disappointment; while others on the national side, like Johnson, Hancock, and McClellan, failed of an election. Then there is the long list of soldiers, men of ability and patriotism, who were superseded: including Halleck, McClellan, Burnside, Hooker, Rosecrans, Buell, Pope, and Warren; as well as Banks, and Butler, and McDowell, and even Scott; while Me