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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 1, Chapter 12: Paris.—Society and the courts.—March to May, 1838.—Age, 27. (search)
of a conversation. After this, called on Mr. John Wilks,— the famous O. P. Q. of the London press,—a large, gross man, who notwithstanding told me that he took but one meal a day, and that his dinner. The conversation accidentally turned on Chevalier, whom I had just left. I observed that there was a savage cut — up of Chevalier in a January number of Frazer. Yes, said Mr. Wilks, I wrote it. Singular accident that I should pass from one man to the very person who had flayed him, as it weChevalier in a January number of Frazer. Yes, said Mr. Wilks, I wrote it. Singular accident that I should pass from one man to the very person who had flayed him, as it were, through the public press! April 1. This evening went to the Theatre Porte St. Martin to see Mademoiselle Georges, 1787-1867. She began to perform in Paris, in 1802 in Clytemnestra. She was attached, at one time, to the Imperial Theatre at St. Petersburg. She played at Dresden and Erfurt before Napoleon and Alexander. From 1821 to 1847 she performed chiefly in Paris at the Odeon and Porte St. Martin theatres. She retired in 1849, but reappeared in 1855. Among her personal admirer<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
he had become intimate with the two former on his visit to England as a youth, and with the duchess on his two later visits. Writing to the Duchess of Argyll, he referred to the many tombs which had opened for those to whom he had been attached. Among English travellers calling on him in this or the preceding year were John Morley, G. Shaw Lefevre, and Leslie Stephen. From his French acquaintance, M. Chevalier, came the expression of the wish that he would take the mission to France. Chevalier wrote concerning the proposed canal between the Atlantic and the Pacific, expressing his belief that the Nicaragua route was the only practicable one. The chief Act of the third session of the Fortieth Congress, Dec. 7, 1868, to March 4, 1869, was the passage of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution, which ordained that the right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States, or by any State, on account of race, color, or previous c
paid to American planters, whereas to bring cotton from Bearer would cost two hundred per cent. on the price paid to the Roots of India, owing to the difficulty of transportation. Dr. McGowan, an American, said that the statesmen of the country would hall with delight the efforts to relieve them from the monopoly of cotton. The matter of supply of the staple was further discussed, when Miss Sarah Redmond read a paper on "American Slavery and its influence on Great Britain." M. Chevalier, the celebrated French free trader, then denounced the Morrill tariff as the bill of discord. The Times announces the following changes in the Colonial Department: P. E. Woodhouse, late Governor of British Guiana, succeeds Sir George Grey as Governor of the Cape of Good Hope; Sir Francis Hincks goes from the Governorship of Barbadoes to that of British Guiana; Hon. Arthur Gordon, son of the late Earl of Aberdeen, is to succeed H. Manners Sutton in New Brunswick; Colgue Brown, late Go
French Cabinet, the Times asserts upon the credit of its own correspondent, is divided on the question of the American struggle. It says, "On the side of the South are M. Persigny, the Minister of the Interior; M. Fould, Minister of Finance; M. Chevalier, Privy Counsellor and Senator. The position of M. Persigny gives him immediate control of the press, while the ability to subsidize indefinitely is possessed by M. Fould, and the ability to write plausibly is the gift of M. Chevalier.--Hence M. Chevalier.--Hence the French press is in the aggregate decided in its hostility to the Union, and the sympathizers with the South gather strength from the known partiality of the British Cabinet for the same cause; a coincidence of views that chimes admirably with the present entente cordiale between the two countries." On the other side, the Times only presents M. Thouvenel, Minister for Foreign Affairs, who, it says, is strongly adverse to the English alliance and cordially friendly to the American Union. But
n Europe — say, three per cent. But the extent to which the public credit, in the shape of Treasury notes, may be substituted for the credit currency heretofore used in the financial and commercial operations of the country, will enable us to convert the public debt into the means of individual and national prosperity. Mr. Colwell, in his analysis of the payments made through the agency of the Banks of the United States in 1856, states that the sum thus paid was $85,000,000, and M. Chevalier, by reference to the returns of the Stamp Office, found that whilst the sum of Bank notes and specie used in England and Wales had in the ten years from 1846 to 1856 decreased nearly $8,000,000, the sum of credit currency, in the shape of bills of exchange, had increased at the rate of $90,000,000 per annum; there being in use at one time $900,000,000. Why should we make our Treasury notes payable in specie six months after peace? The face of the note is a fraudulent lie, which admits a
Later from Europe. The steamer Arabia brings European advices to the 9th. The following is a summary of the news: The London Globe's Paris correspondent says that M. Chevalier's pamphlet on Mexican affairs is considered an indication of the prompt recognition of the Southern Confederacy by the Emperor Napoleon. The Paris Pays denies the official character of the pamphlet. Earl Russell's reply to the Emancipation Society memorial, remonstrating against the departure of the rams build for the rebels, is in a tone of disapproval, and says nothing can be done without affidavits. The Moniteur says that the Florida was only permitted to make indispensable repairs at Brest, and that her reception was according to the ordinary principles of international law. The news of the bombardment of Charleston had further depressed the Confederate loan. The cotton market was easier, though quotations are unchanged.
ch as "Bread or Peace." The soldiers offered no opposition to the display, but in some instances the citizens attempted to arrest the progress of the procession. [This is the latest, and greatest Yankee fabrication.] Secretary Seward's circular of the 12th August, was published in the English journals on the 2d September. A Washington telegram says it is learned from the best of sources that advices of an entirely trustworthy character have been received here to the effect that M. Chevalier's pamphlet, advocating a recognition of the rebels by France, was not inspired, as has been intimated, by the Emperor. Persons who have recently visited the fleet doing duty off the coasts of Virginia and North Carolina represent the unanimity of sentiment among the officers and men in favor of a war with England as remarkable. The most intense feeling prevails on this topic. Serenades by military bands in Washington, without the permission of the military commander, have been
s, and to them Maximilian must give a decisive reply. La France, of Paris, says that it is of very great importance that his final answer should be known before next New Year's day. A very spirited analysis of the new French pamphlet, by M. Chevalier, on the Mexico, American question, appears in the London Times. M. Chevalier maintains that France should hasten to recognize the Confederacy from Mexico, and thus, by being the first to do so, gain the friendly alliance and trade of the new nM. Chevalier maintains that France should hasten to recognize the Confederacy from Mexico, and thus, by being the first to do so, gain the friendly alliance and trade of the new nation. In this he thinks the Emperor would have the support of all the minor commercial nations of Europe at least. He recommends a large emigration of Frenchmen to Mexico, the elevation and sustainment of the Latin race on the American continent, and the firm establishment of the new empire. The Paris Moniteur, of the 4th inst., officially announces that, by virtue of the rights of belligerents, accorded by France to the Confederate States of the South, the Confederate steamer Florida, n
A significant pamphlet. --One of those pamphlets which so often precede the consummation of a contemplated measure by the Emperor of the French has lately made its appearance in Paris, and has thrown the correspondent of the London News into a fever of apprehension. The writer is M. Chevalier, well known in literary and political circles as an author of great power. The correspondent has no doubt that the pamphlet is inspired by the Emperor, from the fact that it is in perfect harmony with the "known leanings" of that Monarch. In its general scope it argues that Mexico will be of infinite value to France, and that the expected value is only to be realized by an early recognition and intimate alliance with the Confederate States. The Southern cause is pleaded with so much fervor, and the institution of slavery defended with so much ingenuity, that the correspondent of the News thinks Mr. Slidell himself could not have done it better. At the same time, he thinks Mr. S. would
the territory they have been hitherto holding. The acceptance of the Archduke Maximilian, contrary to the vaticination of the New York Herald, is a harbinger of glad tidings to the Confederacy. The programme laid down in the pamphlet of M. Chevalier is still fresh in the memory of the public. Maximilian was to be crowned Emperor of Mexico. An army of merchants was to follow in the wake of Forey's army. The resources of Mexico were to be developed to their fullest extent. But first of low. Spain and Austria would not be long behind — England, slowly and reluctantly, was to follow, having been preceded by Belgium, and the Confederacy in that way was to take her stand among the powers of the earth. We have never doubted that Chevalier's pamphlet was written at the instigation of the Emperor, nor do we doubt that the programme therein laid down will be strictly followed. To conclude, in our view the prospects of the Confederacy were never so brilliant as they are now, an