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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 295 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 229 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 164 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 120 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 78 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 66 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 60 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 54 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 51 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 40 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I.. You can also browse the collection for Henry Clay or search for Henry Clay in all documents.

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s unequaled growth and progress, its population, productiveness, and wealth, primarily, to the framers of the Federal Constitution, by which its development was rendered possible; but more immediately and palpably to the sagacity and statesmanship of Jefferson, the purchaser of Louisiana; to the genius of Fitch and Fulton, the projector and achiever, respectively, of steam-navigation; to De Witt Clinton, the early, unswerving, and successful champion of artificial inland navigation; and to Henry Clay, the eminent, eloquent, and effective champion of the diversification of our National Industry through the Protection of Home Manufactures. The difficulties which surrounded the infancy and impeded the growth of the thirteen original or Atlantic States, were less formidable, but kindred, and not less real. Our fathers emerged from their arduous, protracted, desolating Revolutionary struggle, rich, indeed, in hope, but poor in worldly goods. Their country had, for seven years, been tra
colony declared itself an independent republic under the name of Liberia. That republic still exists, enjoying a moderate and equable prosperity, in spite of its unhealthiness for whites, and for all but duly acclimated blacks, on account of its tropical and humid location. But the Colonization movement, though bountifully lauded and glorified by the eminent in Church and State, and though the Society numbered among its Presidents Bushrod Washington, Charles Carroll, James Madison, and Henry Clay, has not achieved a decided success, and for the last twenty years has steadily and stubbornly declined in importance and consideration. It has ceased to command or deserve the sympathy of abolitionists, without achieving the hearty confidence, though it has been blessed or cursed with the abundant verbal commendations, of their antagonists. It was soon discovered that, while it was presented to the former class as a safe and unobjectionable device for mitigating the evils, while gradual
Vii. The Missouri struggle. Scott Clay Pinkney P. P. Barbour Webster John W. Taylor Thomas — the Compromise. when the State of Louisiana, previouslature, asking admission into the Union. This motion prevailed, and Mr. Speaker Clay appointed as such Committee three members from Slave States, beside Mr. Scott, wce with their Southern sympathies rather than their Anti-Slavery convictions. Mr. Clay, the popular and potent Speaker of the House, though likewise Anti-Slavery in t, finally, a fresh Compromise, concocted by a select Joint Committee, whereof Mr. Clay Colonel William H. Russell, of Missouri, a distant relative and life-long friend of Mr. Clay, in a letter (1862) to Hon. James S. Rollins, M. C., from his State, says that Mr. Scott, the Delegate from Missouri at the time of her admission, told him that Mr. Clay, at the close of the struggle, said to him: Now, go home, and prepare your State for gradual Emancipation. was chairman, was adopted. By this
o be reimposed whenever Congress should be clothed with the requisite constitutional power. Henry Clay entered Congress under Jefferson, in 1806, and was an earnest, thorough, enlightened Protectioion of war with Great Britain dwarfed all others; and his zealous efforts, together with those of Clay, Felix Grundy, and other ardent young Republicans, finally overbore the reluctance of Madison andrity of the members, which would whelm them in one common ruin. Finally February 12, 1833., Mr. Clay was induced to submit his Compromise Tariff, whereby one-tenth of the excess over twenty per ceas offered in the House, as a substitute for Mr. Verplanck's bill, by Mr. Letcher, of Kentucky (Mr. Clay's immediate representative and devoted friend), on the 25th of February; adopted and passed at e present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly. And Mr. Clay, one of the negotiators of that treaty, declared, in his speech on the Cherokee Grievances in 1
England — at that time spoke earnestly and forcibly for Emancipation, as an imperative necessity. And this is noteworthy as the last serious effort by the politicians of any Slave State In 1849, when Kentucky revised her State Constitution, Henry Clay formally renewed the appeal in favor of Gradual Emancipation, which he had made, when a very young man, on the occasion of her organization as a State; but the response from the people was feeble and ineffective. Delaware has repeatedly endeav incarceration having been issued by the Manumission Society of North Carolina. At length, the fine and costs were paid by Arthur Tappan, then a wealthy and generous New York merchant, who anticipated, by a few days, a similar act meditated by Henry Clay. Separating himself from Lundy and The Genius, Mr. Garrison now proposed the publication of an anti-Slavery organ in Washington City; but, after traveling and lecturing through the great cities, and being prevented by violence from speaking in
raised the question of reception, declaring that the petitions just read contained a gross, false, and malicious slander on eleven States represented on this floor. That Congress had no jurisdiction over the subject, no more in this District than in the State of South Carolina. After a long and spirited debate, mainly by Southern senators, Mr. Calhoun's motion to reject was defeated by a vote to receive the petition — Yeas 35, Nays 10, as follows: Yeas: Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Clay, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Illinois, Ewing of Ohio, Goldsborough, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Hubbard, Kent, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Knight, Linn, McKean, Morris, Naudain, Niles, Prentiss, Robbins, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Southard, Swift, Tallmadge, Tipton, Tomlinson, Wall, Webster, Wright. Nays: Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Cuthbert, Leigh, Moore, Nicholas, Porter, Preston, Walker, White. In the House, February 5, 1836. Mr. Henry L. Pinckney, of South Carolina, submi
year 1827--Mr. John Q. Adams being President--Mr. Clay, his Secretary of State, instructed Joel R. Ped States Bank by Gen. Jackson, and supported Mr. Clay's resolution censuring that removal. He was atic National Convention; next, the defeat of Mr. Clay before the people. The defeat of Mr. Van Band her war with that country unconcluded. Mr. Clay set forth his view of the matter in a letter ict in the United States fully represented. Henry Clay was at once nominated for President by acclaitude separated in undoubting confidence that Mr. Clay would be our next President. The Democratiy. This letter was at once seized upon by Mr. Clay's adversaries, whether Democrats or Abolition106 in nearly 500,000 votes — the totals being, Clay, 232,482, Polk, 237,588, Birney, 15,812;--one-tBirney; but New York alone would have secured Mr. Clay's election, giving him 141 electoral votes tonnsylvania, by 160,759 votes to 156,562 for his Clay competitor, Markle, did the chances for Polk se[26 more...]
Territories thereof, by any other than the parties interested in them, is the true Republican doctrine recognized by this body. The party was not yet ready for such strong meat, and this resolve was rejected: Nays 216; Yeas 36--South Carolina 9; Alabama 9; Georgia 9; Arkansas 3; Florida 3; Maryland 1; Kentucky 1; Tennessee 1. The Whig National Convention assembled in Philadelphia, June 7th. Gen. Zachary Taylor, of Louisiana, had on the first ballot 111 votes for President to 97 for Henry Clay, 43 for General Scott, 22 for Mr. Webster, and 6 scattering. On the fourth ballot (next day), Gen. Taylor had 171 to 107 for all others, and was declared nominated. Millard Fillmore, of New York, had 115 votes for Vice-President, on the first ballot, to 109 for Abbott Lawrence, of Massachusetts, and 50 scattering. On the second ballot, Mr. Fillmore had 173, and was nominated. No resolves affirming distinctive principles were passed; repeated efforts to interpose one affirming the princ
Gov. Seward James Brooks Gen. Taylor Henry Clay Jefferson Davis Webster's 7th of March speould have been given for Mr. Webster, or even Mr. Clay. In the Free States, very many Northern Whferences, still more pointedly dissented from Mr. Clay's scheme. He said: Sir, so far as I havepi, with equal energy, objected to so much of Mr. Clay's propositions as relate to the boundary of Ts of denunciation. They could see nothing in Mr. Clay's proposition that looked like compromise; noerring directly to the compromise proposed by Mr. Clay, exerted a powerful influence in favor of itsthirteen, to consider the questions raised by Mr. Clay's proposition, and also by resolves submittedted by ballot and composed as follows: Mr. Henry Clay, of Kentucky, Chairman. Messrs. Dickin). So all the measures originally included in Mr. Clay's proposition of compromise became laws of thtion and morals which even the great name of Henry Clay should not shield from lasting opprobrium. [6 more...]
pted the challenge, and nominated a Union ticket in opposition, headed by Henry S. Foote for Governor--Mr. Foote, as Mr. Davis's colleague, though he demurred to Mr. Clay's programme at the outset, having supported the Compromise to the extent of his ability. The election occurred early in November, 1851; when the Union party won the most utter and abject devotion, on the part of the North, to the most extreme Pro-Slavery aspirations and policy of the South. He opposed, as we have seen, Mr. Clay's programme of compromise, as entirely too favorable to the North; he had been among the foremost of the Southern ultras in defeating that programme in its primif one or both of these parties, if the strength of its champions should be found sufficient. Indeed, a public pledge had, several months before, been signed by Henry Clay, Howell Cobb, and some fifty other members of Congress, of either party, that they would support no candidate thereafter who did not approve and agree to abide
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