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Harper's Encyclopedia of United States History (ed. Benson Lossing) 295 1 Browse Search
Horace Greeley, The American Conflict: A History of the Great Rebellion in the United States of America, 1860-65: its Causes, Incidents, and Results: Intended to exhibit especially its moral and political phases with the drift and progress of American opinion respecting human slavery from 1776 to the close of the War for the Union. Volume I. 229 1 Browse Search
Abraham Lincoln, Stephen A. Douglas, Debates of Lincoln and Douglas: Carefully Prepared by the Reporters of Each Party at the times of their Delivery. 164 0 Browse Search
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune 120 0 Browse Search
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3 78 0 Browse Search
Varina Davis, Jefferson Davis: Ex-President of the Confederate States of America, A Memoir by his Wife, Volume 1 66 2 Browse Search
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3 60 0 Browse Search
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley 54 0 Browse Search
Hon. J. L. M. Curry , LL.D., William Robertson Garrett , A. M. , Ph.D., Confederate Military History, a library of Confederate States Military History: Volume 1.1, Legal Justification of the South in secession, The South as a factor in the territorial expansion of the United States (ed. Clement Anselm Evans) 51 1 Browse Search
Cambridge History of American Literature: volume 2 (ed. Trent, William Peterfield, 1862-1939., Erskine, John, 1879-1951., Sherman, Stuart Pratt, 1881-1926., Van Doren, Carl, 1885-1950.) 40 0 Browse Search
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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3. You can also browse the collection for Henry Clay or search for Henry Clay in all documents.

Your search returned 39 results in 9 document sections:

Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
before. The action of the Whig members in voting for the war bill, while not formally condemned by the party, was not in conformity with its best opinion. Henry Clay, the Whig candidate for President at the last preceding election, then in private life, said that the preamble falsely attributed the commencement of the war tos I do, I never, never could have voted for that bill. Speech at Lexington. Ky., Nov. 13, 1847. National Intelligencer, November 25. Colton's Last Years of Henry Clay, p. 62. Corwin publicly expressed regret for his vote for it in the Senate. Speech at Carthage, Ohio, September, 1847, printed in Boston Whig, Oct. 7, 1847. Massachusetts, although he was Mr. Adams's nearest friend in Congress, and was allied to him, as no other member was, by identity of opinions. Few Southern men (Mr. Clay, to his honor be it remembered, was an exception) recognized him in the lobbies or on the street. Giddings's History of the Rebellion, pp. 216, 248; Julian's
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 33: the national election of 1848.—the Free Soil Party.— 1848-1849. (search)
y Taylor. His selection had become probable for some months, though other candidates did not yield without a contest. Henry Clay, identified with the history of the party, and more than any one representing its general spirit, received considerable support. General Scott, distinguished as a soldier, and like Clay inclined to a moderate course on the slavery question, was thought by a respectable body of delegates to be both a worthy and an available candidate. A small number of delegates frothe Vice-President, with Webster, then bitter in his hostility to Northern sentiments, as the head of the new Cabinet, and Clay as the leader of compromise in the Senate, there were no sincerer mourners for the late President than the antislavery menidacy, and had freely expressed his opinion that Webster could not be nominated, or elected if he were nominated; and that Clay, if nominated, could not be elected, and that Taylor was the only candidate whom the Whigs could elect. He stated that Mr
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 34: the compromise of 1850.—Mr. Webster. (search)
resolute and defiant attitude of the South and the weakening resistance of the North opened to Henry Clay, now again a senator, the opportunity to appear for another and third time in his career as a lican, June 27, 1850. California being entitled by all precedents to admission without an offset, Clay's Compromise measures, except the one last named, were all in the interest of slavery. They wered us to think that he would take any high moral ground on this slavery question? He was not, like Clay, the natural supporter of compromise. he wrote July 21, 1848: You need not fear that I shall vrs suggest that a disposition to obstruct President Taylor had something to do with the course of Clay as well as of Webster. (J. S. Pike, in Courier, April 10, 1850.) The judgment of history is not ls and a further extension, even by the breach of an old compact. Happily for the two architects, Clay and Webster, they were not then living to see how vain had been their promises of peace and conc
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
250.) Webster, as early as January 21, admitted Clay to a confidence as to his purpose which he with850. It approved the Compromise when offered by Clay, and during 1850 and 1851 defended it in elabor back in order to make one of the conditions of Clay's scheme of pacification. It objected to the rnd powerful speaker. Mr. Chase spoke against Clay's Compromise, March 26 and 27, 1850, making thelanthropist or moralist, but a politician, like Clay, Winthrop, Abbott Lawrence; and he has this adv I have just read your admirable letter on Clay's resolutions [of compromise]. New York Evenbe done. Blow seems to follow blow. There was Clay's barbarous effort, then winthrop's malignant anate; and this is founded on two things: first, Clay is earnest and determined that it shall pass; he election of John Quincy Adams as President by Clay's help, Horace Mann, referring to the charges against Adams and Clay, afterwards fully discredited, said: I believe the same charge against the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 36: first session in Congress.—welcome to Kossuth.—public lands in the West.—the Fugitive Slave Law.—1851-1852. (search)
correspondent of the Boston Atlas, Dec. 5, 1851, mentioned the incidents of the first day of the session, and particularly Clay's presence. The Senate was sometimes called a bear garden. The scene between Benton and Foote was then freshly in mind. ments. Calhoun had died a senator during the preceding Congress. Webster had passed from the body to Fillmore's Cabinet. Clay was still a senator, but was enfeebled by age and by disease, which had been aggravated by his severe labors in support ofring steps into the chamber. He spoke twice on a point of procedure, Sumner referred in the Senate. July 22, 1868, to Clay's participation in this debate, describing his manner, and telling where he stood as he spoke. and at the adjournment on t Sumner wrote to Longfellow, December 9:— Shields is now speaking. Everybody has treated me with cordial kindness. Clay, I think, has upon him the inexorable hand. He has not been in his seat since the first day. Seward is a very remarkable
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. (search)
Chapter 37: the national election of 1852.—the Massachusetts constitutional convention.—final defeat of the coalition.— 1852-1853. During the years 1851-1853, Whigs and Democrats acted in concert for the suppression of antislavery agitation. Forty-four members of Congress, in January, 1851, under the lead of Henry Clay and Alexander H. Stephens, pledged themselves, as already seen, to resist any disturbance of the Compromise, or a renewal of agitation upon the subject of slavery. Ante, p. 194. At the beginning of the next session, in December, 1851, the caucus of Whig members affirmed, almost unanimously, the Compromise Acts to be a final settlement, in principle and substance, of the dangerous and exciting subjects which they embrace. The Whig members from Massachusetts were reported to have voted in caucus as follows: for the Compromise, G. T. Davis, Duncan, and Thompson; against it, Fowler, Goodrich, and Scudder. The House, April 5, 1852, by a vote of one hundred to sixty<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 38: repeal of the Missouri Compromise.—reply to Butler and Mason.—the Republican Party.—address on Granville Sharp.—friendly correspondence.—1853-1854. (search)
ors from Kentucky not to repudiate the pledges of Henry Clay. I appeal to the senators from Alabama not to brecretary of the Navy in the Confederate cabinet. and Clay of Alabama were prepared with the most opprobrious eeir shafts were centred on Sumner. The grossness of Clay's epithets—of which miscreant, serpent, spaniel, a sice, he said, turning at the end towards Mallory and Clay: Such, Mr. President, is my response to all thre than this I cannot say. After Sumner finished, Clay, Butler, and Pettit bandied again their familiar epi. Adams's Biography of Dana, vol. i. pp. 288, 289. Clay's proposition to send him to Coventry was thought moined battle with them. It is atrocious that Pettit, Clay, Butler, and the others were not called to order; bu, and stated with considerable fulness its purport. Clay made some opprobrious remarks, which Sumner only nots. Works, vol. III. pp. 435-450. In this debate, Clay, when referring to Sumner, was as foul-mouthed as ev
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 39: the debate on Toucey's bill.—vindication of the antislavery enterprise.—first visit to the West.—defence of foreign-born citizens.—1854-1855. (search)
irst visit to a section of the country which he had greatly desired to see. At Yellow Springs, Ohio, he called on Horace Mann, then president of Antioch College. At Cincinnati he was glad to meet Chase, then preparing for the State election, in which he was to be the Republican candidate for governor. The two friends drove to the beautiful suburbs and to the cemetery at Clifton, destined to be the last resting-place of one of them. At Lexington, Ky., Sumner visited the home and grave of Henry Clay. He was Cassius M. Clay's guest at White Hall, in Madison County, in company with whom he examined the former's breeds of cattle, sheep, and horses, for which that State is famous. They drove together over fine roads to the well-equipped farm of Mr. Clay's brother, Brutus J., near Paris. This was the first and only time in his life that Sumner could freely inspect the condition of slaves on a plantation. Thirty years later, Mr. Clay gave the following account of the visit: Mr. Su
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 40: outrages in Kansas.—speech on Kansas.—the Brooks assault.—1855-1856. (search)
he partisans of slavery often assailed Massachusetts and her people, particularly the Emigrant Aid Company, as responsible for all the disorders in Kansas, as disturbers of the national peace, and instigators of rebellion. Bayard, April 10, and Clay, April 21, in the Senate. In the Senate Collamer spoke (April 3 and 4) on affairs in Kansas and the constitutional question of the power of Congress over the Territories. Seward spoke on the 9th, when he delivered an elaborate speech already l. II. p. 277. Butler undertook to parry the force of his own record as exposed by Wilson, but with less than his usual spirit, pleading that most of it was too remote in time to bear on the present controversy. Some words between Wilson and Clay on the everrecurring question of social superiority assumed by Southern senators closed the debate for the day. Wilson came out of the contest with honor. It was his first full session in the Senate, but he bore well the test of debate with train