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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4 12 0 Browse Search
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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 44: Secession.—schemes of compromise.—Civil War.—Chairman of foreign relations Committee.—Dr. Lieber.—November, 1860– April, 1861. (search)
some time formidable adversaries. It may be safely said that Sumner never assisted in an appointment with the slightest thought of its bearing on his own political fortunes. While catholic in his estimates of men, and desirous to introduce those of different types into the public service, he was readily enlisted in behalf of those who had served the antislavery cause; and among the appointments he promoted were those of John Pierpont, clerk in the treasury department; Professor C. I). Cleveland, consul at Cardiff; H. R. Helper, consul at Buenos Ayres; Seth Webb, consul at Port-au-Prince, William S. Thayer, consul in Egypt; and Anson Burlingame, minister to China. His influence secured a place on the Sanitary Commission for Dr. Samuel G. Howe; but though exerted from the beginning, it failed to make him minister to Greece,—a country with which Dr. Howe was identified in his youth. Sumner, as was his habit, lingered at Washington after the close of the session; and he was still
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 46: qualities and habits as a senator.—1862. (search)
He was likewise in communication with a large proportion of the legations and consulates of the United States, from which came statements of their needs and the aspect of our Civil War as it was regarded at their posts, and advice as to modes of enlisting foreign opinion in our favor. Among correspondents of this class at this time were John Bigelow, Henry Adams, J. E. Harvey, W. S. Thayer, Seth Webb, Jr., J. S. Pike, B. Taylor, J. R. Giddings, T. Corwin. Carl Schurz. II. J. Perry, C. D. Cleveland, and B. R. Wood. No one outside of the state department had at command equal sources of information of this kind. He was the one senator to whom advanced antislavery men looked for the expression and promotion of their views; and every mail at this time, and indeed during his entire service in Congress, brought him a large number of letters from this class, in which they stated, often at great length, their hopes and fears, and their interest in the various measures concerning slaver
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
lar excitement, but perhaps more by a rivalry of parties, at the time of the dispute concerning the fisheries with Great Britain, to pass a resolution in 1887 authorizing the President to suspend commercial intercourse with that power; but President Cleveland (lid not exercise the power conferred. and the arrest of private individuals for public wrongs as peaceful remedies, denying that either proceeding was in accord with just principles or the practice of enlightened States. He said:— eld, the Republicans of New York felt a sense of relief, and seized the occasion to bar his entrance from that time to public life. His last interference in politics was after the election of 1884, when he received a large fee as counsel for Mr. Cleveland's supporters on the count of the electoral vote of New York against his old antagonist in the House, Mr. Blaine. Conkling was antipathetic to Sumner, as any one who knew the two men might expect he would be. He had sat in the Senate scarce
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 57: attempts to reconcile the President and the senator.—ineligibility of the President for a second term.—the Civil-rights Bill.—sale of arms to France.—the liberal Republican party: Horace Greeley its candidate adopted by the Democrats.—Sumner's reserve.—his relations with Republican friends and his colleague.—speech against the President.—support of Greeley.—last journey to Europe.—a meeting with Motley.—a night with John Bright.—the President's re-election.—1871-1872. (search)
he had besides become Bristow's friend. One day the President, at the close of some ordinary matter of business, quietly asked him for his resignation, neither then nor afterwards explaining to him why he took the step. This was stated to the writer by Mr. Jewell himself. and of the impeachment of Belknap, Secretary of War, for corruption in office, from whom the President parted with a too friendly acceptance of his resignation. Later Administrations,—those of Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison,—have happily escaped the succession of scandals which distinguished the civil service from 1869 to 1877. The demoralization of that period is chargeable in some degree to war, which always brings vices in its train; but it was also due largely to the President's too good opinion of men of easy virtue and his lax treatment of them when they were found out. This came to be the opinion of the American people, who, ever grateful for his service in the army and ready to confer o
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 18 (search)
of the diplomatic fiasco, and a final question may be asked: If the acquisition of St. Thomas was so manifestly desirable as Miss Seward represents, how does it happen that no one at Washington or among the people during the twenty years since Mr. Seward left office has said a word to revive the scheme? A good thing does not die so easily; there will always be true men and wise men to appreciate what is of enduring value. We have since had six Presidents,—Grant, Hayes, Garfield, Arthur, Cleveland, and Harrison,—and, not counting Washburne, five Secretaries of State,—Fish, Evarts, Blaine, Frelinghuysen, and Bayard; but none of them has coveted this island of the Caribbean Sea, rifted by earthquakes, swept by cyclones, and submerged by tidal waves, the imagined centre of universal commerce and a necessary outpost for our national defence! Journalists and merchants have been alike silent. Foreign nations who were suspected to be greedy spectators have turned away from the prize. St<