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William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1, Chapter 8: (search)
ttle to bring on another excitement similar to that about the Trent; that the British Premier would be likely to act in the same way,— try to get British pride up to back him, and then insist upon our fighting or backing down. He was to meet Messrs. Cobden, Bright, and Foster at Mr. Adams's the next day, and should probably hear something more. Cobden I saw yesterday. He is going to speak next week, and I hope will speak entirely from a British point of view, showing their interest in prothese guns and obstructions in the channels will save Boston. I think you have about three months before the iron-clads get out after this reaches you, before the danger becomes imminent; but it may be longer. People here base great hopes on Mr. Cobden's coming speech. The letter of Mr. Forbes undoubtedly added to the anxiety of the Governor to have the Government place the harbor of Boston in a position to defend the city. Colonel Ritchie, of his personal staff, was sent to Washington t
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 1: his early years and first employment as a compositor (search)
is reports of legislative and congressional proceedings and other matters demonstrated his skill as a reporter, and his close supervision of all the columns of the Tribune was made plain in the correspondence with his managing editor, Charles A. Dana, published after his death. He always felt a responsibility for the kind of journal that he gave to his subscribers. I think that newspaper reading is worth all the schools in the country, he told a committee of the House of Commons, of which Cobden was a member, when invited, in London in 1851, to give his views on taxes on knowledge, and he was too honest to offer his readers anything less than the best that he could supply. Some advice to a country editor, written by him in 1860, could hardly be improved upon. His first principle laid down was that the subject of deepest interest to an average human being is himself; next to that, he is most concerned about his neighbor. He therefore told his correspondent that, if he would make u
William Alexander Linn, Horace Greeley Founder and Editor of The New York Tribune, Chapter 5: sources of the Tribune's influence — Greeley's personality (search)
. Herein we get Greeley's idea of isms, a conception not unlike Carlyle's definition of a certain abbot's Catholicism-something like the isms of all true men in all true centuries. The Tribune was started when, in the words of John Morley, a great wave of humanity, of benevolence, of desire for improvement — a great wave of social sentiment, in short-poured itself among all who had the faculty of large and disinterested thinking ; a day when Pusey and Thomas Arnold, Carlyle and Dickens, Cobden and O'Connell, were arousing new interest in old subjects; when the communistic experiments in Brazil and Owen's project at Hopedale inspired expectation of social improvement; when Southey and Coleridge meditated a migration to the shores of America to assist in the foundation of an ideal society, and when philosophers on the continent of Europe were believing that things dreamed of were at last to be realized. Greeley's mind was naturally receptive of new plans for reform — a tendency inh
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 7 (search)
possibilities that lie before him,--tell him what I would do in his case,--tell him that what I would do myself I would countenance another in doing, and aid him to the extent of my power. The antislavery cause is a wonder to many. They wonder that it does not succeed faster. We see William Cobbett, with his Political Register, circulating seventy thousand copies per week, appeal to the workingmen of Great Britain, and in a few years he carries his measures over the head of Parliament. Cobden talks the farmers of England, in less than ten years, out of a tyranny that had endured for generations. The difference is, we have no such selfish motives to appeal to. We appeal to white men, who cannot see any present interest they have in the slave question. It is impossible to stir them. They must ascend to a level of disinterestedness which the masses seldom reach, before we can create any excitement in them on the question of slavery. I do not know when that point will be gained.
Wendell Phillips, Theodore C. Pease, Speeches, Lectures and Letters of Wendell Phillips: Volume 1, chapter 16 (search)
itated the war, if it was at all or ever necessary. Berlin and Milan decrees would have smothered every man in England. The very goods they manufactured, shut out from the continent, would have crowded the inhabitants off their little island. It was land monopoly that declared war with France, and trade fought the battle. Napoleon was struck down by no eloquence of the House of Commons, by no sword of Wellington. He was crushed and ground to powder in the steam-engines of James Watt. Cobden and O'Connell, out of the House of Commons, were giants; in it, dwarfs. Sir Robert Peel, the cotton-spinner, was as much a power as Sir Robert Peel, the Prime Minister. We went to stare at the Lord Chancellor, not for his seals and velvet bag, but because he was Harry Brougham of the Edinburgh Review. Rowland Hill and Adam Smith, Granville Sharpe and Pilgrim's Progress, the London Times and the Stock Exchange, outweigh a century of Cannings and Palmerstons, Gladstones, Liverpools, and Ear
Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Henry Walcott Boynton, Reader's History of American Literature, Chapter 5: the New England period — Preliminary (search)
n the active literary society of the Boston of that day might well say, as the Duke of Wellington did when the Honorable Mrs. Norton, the poet, wished to be presented to him, that he had been very much exposed to authors. Nothing is more striking in history than the rapid concentration of fame upon a few leaders and the way in which all who represent the second class in leadership fall into oblivion. Thus it is in public affairs. In the great liberal movement in England men remember only Cobden and Bright, and in the American anti-slavery movement, Garrison and Phillips, and forget all of that large class whom we may call the non-commissioned officers, whose self-devotion was quite as great. It is yet more strikingly true in literature. Walter Savage Landor states it as his aspiration to have a seat, however humble, upon the small bench that holds the really original authors of the world. It is a large demand on fate. The name of E. P. Whipple, for instance, or of Dr. J. G. Hol
James Parton, The life of Horace Greeley, Chapter 26: three months in Europe. (search)
Hon. T. Milnor Gibson, Messrs. Tufnell, Ewart, Cobden, Rich, Adair, Hamilton, and Sir J. Walmsey, ha from being swallowed up by the stronger. Mr. Cobden. Do you then consider the fact, that the Timour daily papers are printed in New York. Mr. Cobden. do you consider, that there are upwards of journals published in the United States. Mr. Cobden. At what amount of population does a town inn England? Mr. Greeley. Yes; if they do. Mr. Cobden. And that is quite common, is it not? Mr. they receive through the post generally. Mr. Cobden. The working people in New York are not in t, still, we have quite a class who do so. Mr. Cobden. The newspapers, then, is not the attractionGreeley. Twenty-five thousand, I believe. Mr. Cobden. Is that an influential paper in America? y. Not a hundredth part as much as we do. Mr. Cobden. An impression prevails in this country thatdes what each gets separately for itself. Mr. Cobden. Twenty thousand pounds a year is paid by yo[9 more...]
Laura E. Richards, Maud Howe, Florence Howe Hall, Julia Ward Howe, 1819-1910, in two volumes, with portraits and other illustrations: volume 1, Chapter 14: the sundown splendid and serene 1906-1907; aet. 87-88 (search)
has cost me much labor, for I have felt that I could not treat a memory so reverend with cheap and easy verses. I have tried to take his measure, and to present a picture of him which shall deserve to live. This poem appears in At Sunset. Mr. and Mrs. Cobden-Sanderson, the English suffragists, were in Boston this winter. They dined with her, and proved very agreeable. Mrs. Sanderson's visit ought to help suffrage mightily, she is in such dead earnest for it. After dinner I proposed tMrs. Cobden-Sanderson, the English suffragists, were in Boston this winter. They dined with her, and proved very agreeable. Mrs. Sanderson's visit ought to help suffrage mightily, she is in such dead earnest for it. After dinner I proposed that each one should name his favorite Browning poem. I named Pippa, Mrs. Sanderson Paracelsus, Mr. S., The Grammarian's Funeral, etc., etc. The talk was so good that we could not stop it to hear the Victor, which I regretted. Another delightful dinner of this winter was one given in her honor by her niece, Mrs. Richard Aldrich (Margaret Chanler), in New York. Among the guests were Kneisel, the violinist, and Schelling, the pianist. Mrs. Aldrich demanded Flibbertigibbet, and our mother pla
Laura E. Richards, Maud Howe, Florence Howe Hall, Julia Ward Howe, 1819-1910, in two volumes, with portraits and other illustrations: volume 1, Index (search)
8; II, 71. Clay, Henry, I, 98. Clemens, S. L., II, 50, 187, 341. Clement, E. H., II, 320; verse by, 335. Cleveland, I, 365, 377; II, 139. Cleveland, Henry, I, 74. Cobb, Dr., II, 410. Cobbe, Frances P., I, 266, 314; II, 62. Cobden-Sanderson, Mr., II, 367. Cobden-Sanderson, Mrs., II, 367. Cochrane, Jessie, II, 240, 246, 249. Coggeshall, Joseph, I, 253; II, 57. Cogswell, J. G., I, 46, 104, 184. Colby, Clara, II, 180. Cole, Thomas, I, 42. Colfax, SchuylerCobden-Sanderson, Mrs., II, 367. Cochrane, Jessie, II, 240, 246, 249. Coggeshall, Joseph, I, 253; II, 57. Cogswell, J. G., I, 46, 104, 184. Colby, Clara, II, 180. Cole, Thomas, I, 42. Colfax, Schuyler, I, 378. Collegio Romano, II, 255. Colliers' Weekly, II, 391. Collyer, Robert, II, 62, 230, 255, 344. Cologne, I, 92; II, 173. Colonial Dames, II, 198. Colorado, I, 372. Columba Kang, II, 91. Columbia University, II, 227. Columbian Exposition, II, 107, 178, 181, 182, 184. Columbus, Christopher, I, 323; II, 178, 194, 244, 357. Combe, George, I, 95. Commonwealth, I, 141, 142. Concord, Mass., I, 152, 177; I, 57, 61, 77, 128, 194. Concord, N. H., I, 254.
Southern Historical Society Papers, Volume 25. (ed. Reverend J. William Jones), chapter 1.20 (search)
y merchant in the land; but how few of them know and are grateful to the statesman who did most to give it a permanent place in our fiscal system! On the subject of the tariff, Mr. Hunter followed the teachings of Adam Smith, Ricardo, McCulloch and the great political economists of Europe, whose works have built up the doctrine of free exchange of products, upheld in this country by Jefferson, Calhoun, Silas Wright, and numbers of our greatest thinkers and patriots, and held abroad by Peel, Cobden, Bright, Bastiat and Gladstone. Alexandria Retrocession. In the same Congress he actively and most wisely promoted the retrocession of Alexandria to Virginia—a policy dear to every heart in the Commonwealth, and destined, as I hope, never to be surrendered at the bidding of alien speculators and jobbers. The long and dangerous contention with England over the Oregon boundary was also settled at this Congress by the wise and patriotic statesmanship of Webster, Calhoun and Benton. In t
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