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e. The Presbyterian earl of Manchester, said Cromwell, shall be content with being no more than plament. Self-love easily dupes conscience; and Cromwell may have always believed himself faithful to ed with the fervors of religious excitement. Cromwell had early perceived that the honor and valor werful reaction gave the supreme authority to Cromwell. Sovereignty had escaped from the king to thas the highest peace-officer in the realm. Cromwell next attempted an alliance with the property irst resisted the decisions of the council of Cromwell on the validity of its elections, next vindicroyalist. At the opening of this parliament, Cromwell, hoping for a majority, declared the meeting romwell and the army; and, for the last time, Cromwell hoped, through a parliament to reconcile his atred and scorn. The democratic party, which Cromwell had subdued, was now politically extinct; itsd be revived by men professing godliness; and Cromwell, unable to intimidate him, confined him to Ca[35 more...]
d by refusing to comply with the demand of their sovereign. Chalmers, 386 False rumors were mingled with true reports, and assisted to incense the court at St. James. Whalley and Goffe, it was currently asserted, were at the head of an army; Ms. letter of Sir T. Temple. the union of the four New England colonies was believed to have had its origin in the express purpose of throwing off dependence on England. Ms. letter of commissioners to T. Prince, of Plymouth. Sir Thomas Temple, Cromwell's Governor of Acadia, had resided for years in New England, and now appeared Chap XII.} 1663 as their advocate. I assure you—such was Claredon's message to Massachusetts—of my true love and friendship to your country; neither in your privileges, charter, government, nor church discipline, shall you receive any prejudice. Temple's Ms. letter. Yet the news was soon spread abroad, that commissioners would be appointed to regulate the affairs of New England; and at length there was room t
the west, to Southern Virginia, or Carolina, Thurloe, II. 273, 274. Hening, i. 552. the early name, which had been retained in the days of Charles I. and of Cromwell, and which was renewed under Charles II., Compare Carolina, by T. A 1682, p. 3. continued to be encouraged by similar giants. Clayborne, Hening, i. 377. tte power; but, while Vane adhered to the parliament from love of popular rights, Shaftesbury adhered to it as the guardian of aristocratic liberty. Again, under Cromwell, Shaftesbury was still the opponent of arbitrary power. At the restoration, he would not tolerate an agreement with the king; such agreement, at that time, coulce; his system protected wealth and privilege; and he desired to deposit the conservative principles of society in the exclusive custody of the favored classes. Cromwell had proposed, and Vane had advocated, a reform in parliament; Shaftesbury hardly showed a disposition to diminish the influence of the nobility over the lower ho
Chap. XV.} taxes you propose;—thus they wrote to Stuyvesant— have no regard to the consent of the people; let them indulge no longer the visionary dream, that taxes can be imposed only with their consent. But the people continued to indulge the dream; taxes could not be collected; and the colonists, in their desire that 1654 to 1658. popular freedom might prove more than a vision, listened with complacency to the hope of obtaining English liberties by submitting to English jurisdiction. Cromwell had planned the conquest of New Netherland; in the days of his son, the design was revived; and the restoration of Charles II. threatened New Netherland with danger from the south, the north, and from England. In previous negotiations with the agent of Lord Baltimore, the envoy of New Netherland had firmly 1659. maintained the right of the Dutch to the southern bank of the Delaware, pleading purchase and colonization before the patent to Lord Baltimore had been granted. The facts were
. He returned to the country, where some advised him to marry, others to join Cromwell's army; but his excited mind continued its conflicts; and, as other young men lishing monarchy and the peerage, about two years and a half from the day when Cromwell went on his knees to kiss the hand of the young boy who was duke of York, the ast ideas which he could not trace to their origin, a mystery to himself, like Cromwell and so many others who have exercised vast influence on society, he believed h and therefore could not become the tool of ambition. They are a people, said Cromwell, whom I Fox, 160 cannot win with gifts, honors, offices, or places. Still leht to be present with a remonstrance. He delivered his opinions freely before Cromwell and Charles II., in face of the gallows in New England, in the streets of Londhe same simple message of peace and love which George Fox had professed before Cromwell, and Mary Fisher had borne to the Grand Turk. The English and the Indian shou
, That now there's need of two New Englands more. But the tide of liberty was still swelling, and soon wafted the saints, and rogues, and rascals, to their deliverance. To understand fully the revolution which followed, it must be borne in mind, that the great mass of dissenters were struggling for liberty; but, checked by the memory of the disastrous issue of the previous revolution, they ranged themselves, with deliberate moderation, under the more liberal party of the aristocracy. Of Cromwell's army, the officers had been, for the most James, i. 386. part, the meanest sort of men, even brewers, coblers, and other mechanics; recruits for the camp of William of Orange were led by bishops and the high nobility. There was a vast popular movement, but it was subordinate; the proclamation of the prince took notice of the people only as followers of the gentry. Yet the revolution of 1688 is due to the dissenters quite as much as to the whig aristocracy; to Baxter hardly less than to