Your search returned 173 results in 79 document sections:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8
The Daily Dispatch: February 22, 1861., [Electronic resource], Debate on the Queen's speech --remarks on the United States. (search)
as deeply; but, with the same clear sense, urged that England should look hereafter for her cotton supply to quarters where the political suicide of a foreign nation would not endanger their own prosperity: "Knowing the extent to which we were dependent on America for the raw material of our greatest manufacture, he would urge on their Lordships the necessity of taking such measures in our colonial dependencies as would insure us a constant and ample supply of cotton." The Earl of Derby, while expressing solicitude in regard to the supply of cotton, manifested a still deeper concern for the welfare of the Republic. He said: It is impossible not to feel the deepest concern at the threatened disruption of that great Union, as it must affect the happiness and welfare of that country. [Hear, hear.]--There is no man in this country who would not view with the deepest anxiety and regret the disruption of a community which, without claiming perfection for its institutions,
The Daily Dispatch: May 24, 1861., [Electronic resource], Durrettsville, Richmond County, Va., May 21, 1861. (search)
he has the same right to issue letters of marque which any Chief Magistrate of a republic either in North or South America would have. Letter of marque Debate in the House of Lords. In the House of Lords, on the 10th of May, the Earl of Derby said that he understood that her Majesty's Government had come to the conclusion that the Southern States of America were to be considered as a belligerent power, and had referred certain points to the consideration of the law officers of the Cro had correctly understood the answer given in another place, that the Government would issue a proclamation of warning to British subjects, but it was desirable that the wording of the proclamation should be carefully considered. The Earl of Derby said that he wished to know if it would be distinctly declared that any British subject joining in privateering must not look to his Government to save him from his own criminal acts. Earl Granville apprehended that this would follow natural
anville replied that a lawful blockade must be maintained by a sufficient force, but it was not absolutely necessary to render all ingress or egress impossible, but to render it extremely difficult. With respect to other questions, he stated that certain articles were clearly contraband of war, but that certain other articles depended upon special circumstances and contingencies, which could only be decided by a prize court, and which it was impossible to define beforehand. The Earl of Derby said that there were two points on which it was desirable that the Government should come to an understanding with the United States. They proclaim a blockade of the whole Southern coast, which they had not the force to maintain. Although they could lawfully blockade certain ports, it was not desirable that they should proclaim a universal blockade, but only maintain a partial one. The Northern States also declare that they should treat privateers as pirates, but they could not do so
case; as, for instance, the ports for which they are destined, and various other incidents which can be properly judged of only in a Prize Court. The decisions of such Court, unless there has been a flagrant violation of international law, all those who have recognized the rights of the belligerents must accept. I think, therefore, that her Majesty's Government, in adhering strictly to president in this matter, took the only course which it was possible for them to pursue. The Earl of Derby.--The answer of the noble Earl is, for the most part, entirely satisfactory. I do not feel disposed to complain that the terms of the proclamation are vague and uncertain. It is impossible to introduce into a proclamation of this description such a definition of the character of a blockade, or of contraband of war, as would satisfy the conditions which seemed to be laid down by the noble Earl who first addressed the House. --Nor do I complain of the proclamation on the ground that the warn
agreement of Paris as not effectuating a change in international law, excepting as regards those Powers which signified their acceptance of it," thus ignoring the last clause of the Paris treaty, by which those who "might hereafter" accept it were placed on a par with those who had done so. If those Peers who adhere to the Palmerston Ministry were thus explicit in their quasi hostility to the United States, the Lords of the opposition were still more so. "I apprehend, " said the Earl of Derby, "that if there is one thing clearer than another, it is that, by the law of nations, privateering is not piracy — that no enactment on the part of any one nation can make that piracy as regards the subject of another country, which is not piracy by the law of nations, or by the law of that country. The Northern States, therefore, must not be allowed to entertain that opinion." "It is very important," he added, "that her Majesty's Government should not commit themselves to the doctrine that
The Daily Dispatch: June 11, 1861., [Electronic resource], Cassius M. Clay and the London Times--"Our Foreign Relations." (search)
of our contemporaries quite lately that, if the present British Ministry would be so infatuated as to espouse the cause of the Montgomery Confederacy, it would find its speedy account in ejection from office. The opposition led on by the Earl of Derby, it was never doubted, would be but too happy to avail themselves of Palmerston and Russell's leanings towards the Cotton Confederacy, to make them uncomfortable, at least, in their places, if not ultimately to compel her Majesty to seek other advernment," the chief corner-stone of which, as acknowledged by Mr. Vice- President Stephens, is negro slavery, English sympathy must all be on the side of the North. --Never was there a greater delusion, as everybody may now see. The Earl of Derby, so far from espous- ing "the cause of freedom," and making that cause a lever with which to oust Palmerston and Russell from office, has taken the first opportunity to go a step or two in advance of them even, in favor of the Confederates! Wit
office, in 1841, Aberdeen received again the portfolio of foreign-affairs, and appeared to have learned that history tendencies were to be repressed rather than indulged. He supported Peel in repealing the corn laws, and retired with him on the ministerial changes which succeeded the enactment of that policy. He has since occasionally spoken against the government, particularly in the affairs of Greece. During the Cabinet crisis of 1851 he was sent for by the Queen, with a view to undertake the government with Sir John Graham, but declined that responsibility. He had previously refused to co-operate with Lord Stanley. In February, 1852, on the accession to power of the protectionist party, the Earl of Aberdeen took office as Minister of Foreign Affairs, under the Premiership of the Earl of Derby. The mismanagement of the Crimean War however, drove that Ministry out of power, and since then, up to the time of his death, the Earl of Aberdeen has lived in comparative retirement.
f the English or the French Government, or of both combined, imperative; and if the occasion arises, we believe neither Government will be found to hesitate in the course it should adopt. Another view of the blockade.[from the London Herald, Derby organ.] If it can be made out that any blockade is inefficient, not a single prise can be condemned; but it suits the purpose of the Federal Government to make captures, although the ships must ultimately be released. This policy, however. ted States loan on the Stock Exchange They affect to dreed that, should the Federal Government and the Jeff Davis Confederate leaders become reconciled, a general repudiation of foreign debts will immediately ensue. [from the London Herald. Derby organ.] Not the slightest encouragement should be given to the negotiation of an American loan in this market, and although endeavors may be made to raise the money, it is not believed they will be successful The losses incurred from State an
ll not be so mischievous as they say they will be Spain will know how to keep in check a navy which is now terribly embarrassed by two small privateers, and the Canada have in other days given a very good account of invaders from the other side of the river. The United States are a very great nation, and we wish them all lawful prosperity; but they are not half so capable of misc as their newspapers think they are. Lord Derby's opinion of the Ct of the battle. [From the London Herald, Derby org'n.] This blow will compel the Federal Government to postpone active operations for a time, and thus we hope will allow the feeling in favor of an arrangement, which in spite of the reciprocal bluster, really exists, to diffuse itself generally. What should be the nature of the settlement is not for us to say — whether the recognition of Southern Independence, or the return of the seceded States to the Union under satisfactory guarantees. The American press, in the midst of these mi
ce on the other side. The difference is that the Southern leaders do not know what they are doing, while the Government is perfectly aware of the import of what it ordains, and thoroughly conscious that it cannot recede from its position. The position is, however, manifestly and avowedly a provisional one; and the necessary conclusion is that the Federal cause is henceforth identified with the abolition of slavery. Bad Prospect for the Federal loan in England.[from the London Herald, (Derby organ,) August 31.] When war broke out a blockade was established with a view to destroy the trade of the hostile States, and this prohibition of ingress and egress necessarily put an end to all the fisoal receipts which had been estimated in the budget. The very commerce which was to have been the fruitful source of taxation was sought to be annihilated; and the commodities raised for the express purpose of export, by means of which corresponding imports would have been paid for, were
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8