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William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1, Chapter 10: (search)
ote to Major Cabot, commanding Fort Warren, where the condemned men were confined,— Are there any mitigating circumstances in the cases of either of the two soldiers under sentence of death, which would justify my asking the President or General Dix by telegraph to commute or delay execution? I would gladly save either, or both, if consistent, and, if any doubt exists, will urge delay for investigation. We do not find the answer which Major Cabot returned to this letter. It was probably unfavorable, as the men were shot, in compliance with the sentence pronounced by the court-martial. On the 25th of April, the Governor telegraphed to Secretary Stanton, that he had received a despatch from General Dix, informing him that all of the heavy artillery companies on duty in the forts would be immediately ordered to the field, and requesting that a militia regiment be called out to take their places at Fort Warren and elsewhere. The Governor says,— In order to systemati
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1, Chapter 11: (search)
the evening of the 18th ult., and arrived at the Astor House, New York, the next morning, where I had the pleasure of meeting Major-General Banks, who had recently arrived from the Department of the Gulf. There also was the body of Colonel George D. Wells, late of the Massachusetts Thirty-fourth Regiment, who had bravely fallen in battle; and kind friends were conveying it tenderly to its place of sepulture in the Old Bay State. During the forenoon, I called at the headquarters of Major-General Dix, to ascertain what decision had been made in regard to having the forts on the coast garrisoned with one year's troops, whose terms of service were soon to expire. I had a pleasant interview with the General, and with Colonel Van Buren, his chief of staff, and was informed that authority had already been forwarded to your Excellency to recruit one year's companies as requested; and Colonel Van Buren caused a copy of the authority to be made out, which I forwarded that evening to Major
William Schouler, A history of Massachusetts in the Civil War: Volume 1, Chapter 12: (search)
ors at the altar of the institution, and whose devoted ministrations by the bedside of the sick, wounded, and dying men, have won the love of all; and, finally, to the ladies' committee, whose untiring labors were only an illustration of that self-sacrificing devotion to the cause which has so marked and characterized the women of our country throughout the war. Colonel Howe does not close his admirable report without calling to mind the opportune aid and counsel at all times of Major-General John A. Dix, late commanding officer of this Department. Also the kindly co-operation of Brigadier-General R. S. Satterlee, Medical Purveyor of the Department, and Colonel W. I. Sloan, Medical Director, in all matters appertaining to the interests of the sick and wounded soldiers. He does not state, however, that he performed his arduous duties during the entire war without compensation from this Commonwealth. And, finally, he is indebted to the long-continued kindness of Mr. Charles A. S
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders., Chapter 10: (search)
e President, Secretaries of State, War, &c., it has been decided to effect the operation proposed for the 17th. Arrangements have been made to have a Government steamer at Annapolis to receive the prisoners and carry them to their destination. Some four or five of the chief men in the affair are to be arrested to-day. When they meet on the 17th, you will please have everything prepared to arrest the whole party, and be sure that none escape. It is understood that you arrange with General Dix and Governor Seward the modus operandi. It has been intimated to me that the meeting might take place on the 14th; please be prepared. I would be glad to have you advise me frequently of your arrangements in regard to this very important matter. If it is successfully carried out, it will go far toward breaking the backbone of the rebellion. It would probably be well to have a special train quietly prepared to take prisoners to Annapolis. I leave this exceedingly important affair
Edward Alfred Pollard, The lost cause; a new Southern history of the War of the Confederates ... Drawn from official sources and approved by the most distinguished Confederate leaders., Chapter 38: (search)
rty is to be considered as exchanged and absolved from his parole until his equivalent has actually reached the lines of his friends. 5th. That the parole forbids the performance of field, garrison, police, or guard, or constabulary duty. John A. Dix, Major-General. D. H. Hill, Major-General, C. S. A. Supplementary articles. Article VII: All prisoners of war now held on either side, and all prisoners hereafter taken, shall be sent, with all reasonable despatch, to A. M. Aiken's, bethat such misunderstanding shall not interrupt the release of prisoners on parole, as herein provided, but shall be made the subject of friendly explanation, in order that the object of this agreement may neither be defeated nor postponed. John A. Dix, Major-General. D. H. Hill, Major-General, C. S. A. Mr. Robert Ould was appointed agent of the Confederacy under this important text of the war. He was eminently qualified for the office. He was among the most accomplished jurists of the
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 1, Chapter 9: organization: New-England Anti-slavery Society.—Thoughts on colonization.—1832. (search)
iving to protect it, the Society is encouraging and perpetuating the foreign slave trade. All these positions were overwhelmingly sustained by extracts from the Society's organ (the African Repository), its annual reports, and the speeches and writings of its well-known supporters, including, of course, Henry Clay, the open apologist of slavery, but also such men as Gerrit Smith, who bore witness that Our Society has Ibid., p. 44. nothing to do directly with the question of slavery; John A. Dix, who equally disclaimed for it any abolition Ibid., p. 49. purpose; W. B. O. Peabody, the Unitarian divine, who did not doubt that the slaves are happier than they Ibid., p. 62. could be if set free in this country; Eliphalet Nott, the Presbyterian President of Union College, who held that the free people of color, having been degraded by slavery, were still further degraded by the mockery of Ibid., p. 143. nominal freedom; Mathew Carey, Author of Letters on the Colonization S
Francis Jackson Garrison, William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879; the story of his life told by his children: volume 3, Chapter 10: the Rynders Mob.—1850. (search)
uld have the South start factories of her own. As in 1835, the attempt was made to cow the North Ante, 2.4. through the medium of its trade, and the Union meetings Lib. 20.29, 34, 37, 177, 195, 197, 201, 202; 21.1, 3. with which the year opened and closed were largely sustained by the mercantile community. In Pennsylvania, Ms. Feb. 16, 1850, B. Rush Plumly to W. L. G. the Democrats were ready to sacrifice the slavery issue to that of protection for the iron interest. In New York, John A. Dix, lately United States Senator from that State, wrote on June 17, 1850: Commercial interests rule the day. The prices of stocks and of merchandise are considered, by a large portion of the business men, as of more importance than the preservation of great principles. A merchant told me the other day he was satisfied our whole policy in relation to slavery was wrong— that we ought to repeal all laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves into the United States, beginning with an amendm
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 2, Chapter 27: services for education.—prison discipline.—Correspondence.— January to July, 1845.—age, 34. (search)
ersico may obtain this order. It would be discreditable to Congress, if they neglected their more worthy countryman to lavish this important patronage on a foreigner. I am so anxious that Senators should rightly understand this that I shall be tempted to address you a letter on the subject, which you may read to Mr. Berrien, Mr. Crittenden, or any others you may think it not improper to approach in this way. Hillard has already written to Mr. Bates; so has Mr. Lawrence to Mr. Crittenden. Mr. Dix, the new Senator from New York, I am told, is a gentleman of taste in art and letters. He is a warm friend of Crawford. Will Texas be admitted? We hear to-day that the chances are against the present resolutions. If Mr. Peters is still in Washington, remember me to him. Ever affectionately yours, Charles Sumner. To Charlemagne Tower he wrote, March 30, 1845:— At this moment, our City Government is imbecile,—being the miserable offspring of Native Americanism. It has so
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 32: the annexation of Texas.—the Mexican War.—Winthrop and Sumner.—1845-1847. (search)
as instigated by the same pro-slavery ambition as his predecessor. The slave-power was then the master of the Democratic party; and Northern Democrats—some from pro-slavery sympathies, and others from servile fear—voted for the measure in Congress, In the House, Hannibal Hamlin of Maine, Democrat, voted for the resolution; but another Democrat from New England, John P. Hale of New Hampshire, revolted from his party. With the latter also stood Preston King of New York. In the Senate, John A. Dix of New York, an unstable politician, voted for it. joined by a sufficient number of Whigs in the Senate to carry it through. It is painful, in reading the history of that period, to see how feeble was the resistance to the great conspiracy; to observe the sham neutrality of our government in the contest between Mexico and Texas,—its pretences of offended dignity and its support of unfounded claims; its unconstitutional use of the navy and army in threatening, and at last invading, a sist<
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 3, Chapter 35: Massachusetts and the compromise.—Sumner chosen senator.—1850-1851. (search)
al of Massachusetts; and John Gallison, a lawyer, who died soon after, but of whom there are most grateful traditions in the profession. 1 admired particularly the article on Webster, written shortly after the speech. It must have been done by Mr. Dix. John A. Dix. Sumner was probably at fault in this conjecture. Aut Erasmus aut Diabolus. I cannot forbear expressing the sincere delight with which I read your paper. Its politics have such a temper from literature that they fascinate as weJohn A. Dix. Sumner was probably at fault in this conjecture. Aut Erasmus aut Diabolus. I cannot forbear expressing the sincere delight with which I read your paper. Its politics have such a temper from literature that they fascinate as well as convince. To William Jay, June 1:— I am glad of your new appeal. Like everything from you, it is careful, logical, clear, and with a practical bearing on the times. I am inclined to believe with you that under the Constitution the duty of surrendering fugitive slaves is imposed upon the States; but there is great difficulty in assuming this point in the face of a solemn decision of the Supreme Court. If that decision were out of the way, I think it could be easily vindicated
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