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Browsing named entities in Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4. You can also browse the collection for James Dixon or search for James Dixon in all documents.

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Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 45: an antislavery policy.—the Trent case.—Theories of reconstruction.—confiscation.—the session of 1861-1862. (search)
in the Senate, Feb. 6, 1868: Without any disrespect to the other members of the committee, I had really begun to believe that the honorable senator [Sumner] was the committee. Sumner answered from his seat, Oh, no; not at all. Another associate, Dixon of Connecticut, who had no sympathy with his advanced antislavery position, expressing his fear lest the country should become embroiled in difficulties with France by certain proceedings in New Orleans, wrote, Nov. 15, 1862, beseeching Sumner toe laws and institutions of the seceded States. Congressional Globe, Feb. 17, 1862, p. 843; July 7, Globe, p. 3139; Works, vol. VII. p. 162. These propositions occasioned much excitement in the Senate, and Republican leaders—Sherman, Fessenden, Dixon, and Doolittle—were prompt to disavow emphatically any responsibility of the Republican party for them. Sherman went so far as to say that they acknowledged the right of secession, and he could draw no distinction between them and the doctrines
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 49: letters to Europe.—test oath in the senate.—final repeal of the fugitive-slave act.—abolition of the coastwise slave-trade.—Freedmen's Bureau.—equal rights of the colored people as witnesses and passengers.—equal pay of colored troops.—first struggle for suffrage of the colored people.—thirteenth amendment of the constitution.— French spoliation claims.—taxation of national banks.— differences with Fessenden.—Civil service Reform.—Lincoln's re-election.—parting with friends.—1863-1864. (search)
kept recurring. At the next session, Jan. 17, 1865, Sumner moved his amendment to an Act incorporating another company, and Democratic senators alone voted against it. Foster and Sherman now joined him, and Grimes and Trumbull did not vote. A few days later he carried a general provision, forbidding exclusions on account of color on the railways of the District of Columbia, in the shape of an amendment to a bill amending the charter of an existing company, overcoming the objection made by Dixon, Conness, and Hale that his proposition was irrelevant,—and, as was often the case, failing at one stage of the bill, and at another, as the reward of his pertinacity, carrying his amendment. This Act took effect March 3; Sumner treated the exclusion of colored persons from the ordinary railway carriages as a corporate malfeasance, even at common law, and before the statute of March 3 took effect sought, Feb. 20, 1865, the repeal of the charter of a company which enforced the exclusion.
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 51: reconstruction under Johnson's policy.—the fourteenth amendment to the constitution.—defeat of equal suffrage for the District of Columbia, and for Colorado, Nebraska, and Tennessee.—fundamental conditions.— proposed trial of Jefferson Davis.—the neutrality acts. —Stockton's claim as a senator.—tributes to public men. —consolidation of the statutes.—excessive labor.— address on Johnson's Policy.—his mother's death.—his marriage.—1865-1866. (search)
s accurate, authentic, and most authoritative, and to Grant's visit as hasty. Works, vol. x. pp. 47-54. The epithet whitewashing drew at once protests from Reverdy Johnson and from two Republican supporters of the President, Doolittle and Dixon; and Sumner, while declining to retract or modify his language, disclaimed having made, as charged, any reflection on the patriotism or the truth of the President. Sumner's treatment of the message became the occasion of widespread comment in th in favor of the principle afterwards adopted in the fifteenth amendment. The committee's proposition was then rejected by a vote of twenty-five yeas to twenty-two nays—not two-thirds in favor of it. The Republicans voting against it were Brown, Dixon, Henderson, Lane of Kansas, Pomeroy, Stewart, Sumner, and Yates. Sprague of Rhode Island had intended to vote against the amendment, but informed Sumner the day before by note that he should support it. Chief-Justice Chase wrote Sumner, on the
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, Chapter 52: Tenure-of-office act.—equal suffrage in the District of Columbia, in new states, in territories, and in reconstructed states.—schools and homesteads for the Freedmen.—purchase of Alaska and of St. Thomas.—death of Sir Frederick Bruce.—Sumner on Fessenden and Edmunds.—the prophetic voices.—lecture tour in the West.—are we a nation?—1866-1867. (search)
ssociates, first rejecting his views, afterwards accepted them; and though disagreeing with him in a body when he announced these views, they all came later, even within two years, if not at heart concurring with him, to act and vote with him. Dixon in the Senate. March 11, 1867; Congressional Globe, pp. 51, 52. Buckalew called him the pioneer of agitation in the Senate, whose propositions when made were criticized by all his colleagues as extreme, inappropriate, and untimely, but were supp to tell you how much I was interested and instructed by your article in the last Atlantic. How you find time for so much research I cannot imagine; but the results are always valuable to your friends, among whom allow me to count as one. James Dixon, late senator from Connecticut, wrote, September 11:— The fertility of your mind seems exhaustless. The speech on the Russian treaty would have seemed labor enough for the season. It was admirable as delivered, and as elaborated really
Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and letters of Charles Sumner: volume 4, chapter 10 (search)
they are so high-toned and truly human in the elevated sense, and honorable, of that kind of honor which nothing can tarnish,—that I want to make an opportunity for thanking you for my part of the good I trust they may do in every direction. Dixon, late senator from Connecticut, wrote to Sumner concerning his resistance to the retaliation bill: It is a noble and brave utterance. You never lack the nerve to say what you think right in the face of present apparent unpopularity. If I have dnkling found that his bullying style did not avail him at the bar of New York city in contests with Joseph H. Choate and other leaders, and his manner sensibly changed for the better. From other senators, like Anthony, Frelinghuysen, Sherman, and Dixon, though often or generally voting against him on measures which he had greatly at heart, Sumner received most friendly treatment. The impeachment of President Johnson consumed the attention of Congress during the larger part of this session.