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o speak severely. Among them were Mr. Butler and Mr. Douglas, who had singled him out for special attack. In ional fact that on coming to consciousness he saw Mr. Douglas and Mr. Toombs standing in the Senate, and Mr. Slas conversing with other Senators, among whom was Mr. Douglas, when a messenger rushed in with the intelligenceicipation, connection, or counsel in the matter. Douglas, too, deemed it his duty to make some explanation. the statements of Mr. Sumner and those of Slidell, Douglas and Toombs. The assault itself he pronounced brutaling and inflamed hatred. The language of Slidell, Douglas, Toombs and Brooks, was evidently spoken in hot bloended to vote. The Missourians were, many of them, Douglas men. There were one hundred and fifty voters from tf Tyranny, proceeds from the Senator of Illinois [Mr. Douglas], with the sanction of the Committee on Territorit other proposition of the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas], where is the horrid root of Injustice and Civil
the criminal, fitly spoke of the tyrant power who inspired it, and of the more prominent agents in its commission. Alluding to a fable of northern mythology, he said: Even so the creature whose paws are fastened upon Kansas, whatever it may seem to be, constitutes in reality part of the slave power, which, with loathsome folds, is now coiled about the whole land. Of several of the agents of this power he had more than general reasons to speak severely. Among them were Mr. Butler and Mr. Douglas, who had singled him out for special attack. In this speech, therefore, he took occasion to repay them for their assaults, and proposed to say something in reference to what has fallen from Senators who have raised themselves to eminence on this floor in championship of human wrongs. I mean the Senator from South Carolina and the Senator from Illinois, who though unlike as Don Quixote and Sancho Panza, yet, like this couple, sally forth in the same adventure. Of the former he spoke as
substantially the same statement already given, mentioning the additional fact that on coming to consciousness he saw Mr. Douglas and Mr. Toombs standing in the Senate, and Mr. Slidell in the anteroom, from which the latter retreated at once. Thisopted in relation to it. Mr. Slidell, referring to the fact that he was conversing with other Senators, among whom was Mr. Douglas, when a messenger rushed in with the intelligence that somebody was beating Mr. Sumner, contemptuously said: We heard him. Slidell closed his remarks by saying he was free from any participation, connection, or counsel in the matter. Douglas, too, deemed it his duty to make some explanation. He said that when the messenger passed through the room and said som as I live. Mr. Wilson remarked that there was no conflict between the statements of Mr. Sumner and those of Slidell, Douglas and Toombs. The assault itself he pronounced brutal, murderous and cowardly. This provoked the exclamation You are a l
LVI. But the most significant and instructive incidents and utterances remain to be noted. Much of what has already been adduced might be safely referred to passion, wounded feeling and inflamed hatred. The language of Slidell, Douglas, Toombs and Brooks, was evidently spoken in hot blood, and the votes of Mr. Brooks's constituents were cast in obedience to feelings that had been roused to the highest pitch of embittered and vengeful indignation. No adequate conception of the state of public sentiment and feeling then existing can be found without reference to the cooler and more deliberate expressions of public men and presses outside of the narrow circle of the immediate actors in this tragedy of violence and blood. Unfortunately the evidence is far too conclusive to leave any doubt as to the anarchical sentiments that prevailed too generally at the South, and far too largely, indeed, at the North. Referring to a meeting of Brooks's constituents, at which resolutions o
ous testimony of another paper, always faithful to Slavery, the New York Herald, in the letter of a correspondent from Brunswick, Missouri, under date of 20th April, 1855: From five to seven thousand men started from Missouri to attend the election, some to remove, but the most to return to their families, with an intention, if they liked the Territory, to make it their permanent abode at the earliest moment practicable. But they intended to vote. The Missourians were, many of them, Douglas men. There were one hundred and fifty voters from this county, one hundred and seventy-five from Howard, and one hundred from Cooper. Indeed, every county furnished its quota; and when they set out, it looked like an army. . . . . They were armed. . . . . And, as there were no houses in the Territory, they carried tents. Their mission was a peaceable one,—to vote, and to drive down stakes for their future homes. After the election some fifteen hundred of the voters sent a committee to Mr
Lxxxiii. Next comes the Remedy of Injustice and Civil War,—organized by Acts of Congress. This proposition, which is also an offshoot of the original Remedy of Tyranny, proceeds from the Senator of Illinois [Mr. Douglas], with the sanction of the Committee on Territories, and is embodied in the bill now pressed to a vote. By this bill it is proposed as follows:— That, whenever it shall appear, by a census to be taken under the direction of the Governor, by the authority of the Ltting the origin of the Republic, you turn away from this principle, then, in the name of human nature, trampled down and oppressed, but aroused to just self-defence, do I plead for the exercise of this power. Do not hearken, I pray you, to the propositions of Tyranny and Folly; do not be ensnared by that other proposition of the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas], where is the horrid root of Injustice and Civil War; but apply gladly, and at once, the True Remedy, where are Justice and Pe
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Seventh: return to the Senate. (search)
dent, and John A. Andrew, for the first time, as Governor of Massachusetts. Mr. Sumner delivered the principal speech, on The Presidential Candidates, and the Issues of the Canvass. He went into a clear and analytical exposition of the entire merits of the question,—the comparative claims for support of Lincoln and Hamlin, representing the now formidable Republican party; of Breckenridge and Lane, the candidates of the now clearly announced champions of the Democratic Pro-Slavery Party; of Douglas and Johnson, the candidates of the seceding body of Democrats, known as the Douglas, or Squatter Sovereignty Party; and of bell and Everett, candidates of the few old remaining Whigs, who, like venerable barnacles, were still clinging to a sinking ship. Nothing but imperative necessity exeludes that speech from this volume. This memorable campaign, brought out from these four quarters more ability in debate, and excited a deeper interest among all classes, North and South, than any other
dent, and John A. Andrew, for the first time, as Governor of Massachusetts. Mr. Sumner delivered the principal speech, on The Presidential Candidates, and the Issues of the Canvass. He went into a clear and analytical exposition of the entire merits of the question,—the comparative claims for support of Lincoln and Hamlin, representing the now formidable Republican party; of Breckenridge and Lane, the candidates of the now clearly announced champions of the Democratic Pro-Slavery Party; of Douglas and Johnson, the candidates of the seceding body of Democrats, known as the Douglas, or Squatter Sovereignty Party; and of bell and Everett, candidates of the few old remaining Whigs, who, like venerable barnacles, were still clinging to a sinking ship. Nothing but imperative necessity exeludes that speech from this volume. This memorable campaign, brought out from these four quarters more ability in debate, and excited a deeper interest among all classes, North and South, than any other
C. Edwards Lester, Life and public services of Charles Sumner: Born Jan. 6, 1811. Died March 11, 1874., Section Eighth: the war of the Rebellion. (search)
eter Hall meetings they must have a live American abolitionist,—once a slaveholder who had emancipated his slaves. Here they found their man in the noble Judge Birney, as in the first they found a splendid specimen of a runaway octoroon in Frederick Douglas, Esq.,—the—black Douglas,--and who, bythe-by, made a better speech by far than any aristocrat in England. Thirdly, and last of all, some ecclesiastic gentleman bestowed upon the proceedings the benediction. This would have been well eDouglas,--and who, bythe-by, made a better speech by far than any aristocrat in England. Thirdly, and last of all, some ecclesiastic gentleman bestowed upon the proceedings the benediction. This would have been well enough,—certainly so far as the benediction was concerned,—had not future events proved beyond a doubt that, at the very moment these curious things were occurring, the whole prestige of the British empire was invoked to sanctify and adorn a spirit of hostility to the Government of the United States, and that the solemnities of our holy religion were also invoked in the same cause. But to my unpractised eye it looked at the time very much as later events have shown it,—a thorough hatred
eter Hall meetings they must have a live American abolitionist,—once a slaveholder who had emancipated his slaves. Here they found their man in the noble Judge Birney, as in the first they found a splendid specimen of a runaway octoroon in Frederick Douglas, Esq.,—the—black Douglas,--and who, bythe-by, made a better speech by far than any aristocrat in England. Thirdly, and last of all, some ecclesiastic gentleman bestowed upon the proceedings the benediction. This would have been well eDouglas,--and who, bythe-by, made a better speech by far than any aristocrat in England. Thirdly, and last of all, some ecclesiastic gentleman bestowed upon the proceedings the benediction. This would have been well enough,—certainly so far as the benediction was concerned,—had not future events proved beyond a doubt that, at the very moment these curious things were occurring, the whole prestige of the British empire was invoked to sanctify and adorn a spirit of hostility to the Government of the United States, and that the solemnities of our holy religion were also invoked in the same cause. But to my unpractised eye it looked at the time very much as later events have shown it,—a thorough hatred